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Canada - World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe

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144<br />

<strong>Health</strong> systems in transition <strong>Canada</strong><br />

the <strong>Canada</strong> <strong>Health</strong> Act. In particular, private citizens have occasionally taken<br />

their provincial governments to court to have certain services added to the<br />

basket using arguments based on the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and<br />

at least one scholar has argued that this is a useful mechanism <strong>for</strong> health care<br />

accountability, particularly given the paucity of other processes available to<br />

Canadian citizens (Jackman, 2010).<br />

The <strong>Canada</strong> <strong>Health</strong> Act also stipulates that provincial and territorial<br />

governments should acknowledge the transfer funding they receive from the<br />

federal government, which is used to deliver public health care services to<br />

their respective residents. Demands <strong>for</strong> greater transparency in terms of federal<br />

transfers to provincial and territorial governments <strong>for</strong> health eventually led to<br />

the federal government splitting its omnibus block transfer into two in 2004 –<br />

the <strong>Canada</strong> <strong>Health</strong> Transfer dedicated to health, and the <strong>Canada</strong> Social Transfer<br />

(McIntosh, 2004). This came years after federal–provincial wrangling over what<br />

was the “real” value of the health portion of the block transfer, with the federal<br />

government continually exaggerating its value, and the provincial governments<br />

systematically underestimating its value (Marchildon, 2004).<br />

Through their web sites, most provincial and territorial ministries of health<br />

provide extensive in<strong>for</strong>mation on their services, including a comprehensive<br />

list of the provincial or territorial health care benefits and entitlements. With<br />

some notable exceptions, provincial and territorial governments have also<br />

been relatively transparent in terms of new health policy developments, in<br />

part because of their extensive and public use of commissions and ministerial<br />

advisory bodies during the past two decades. Inevitably, these processes<br />

have involved public consultations and hearings. The Royal Commission on<br />

the Future of <strong>Health</strong> Care in <strong>Canada</strong>, chaired by Roy Romanow, the <strong>for</strong>mer<br />

Premier of Saskatchewan, conducted the most extensive set of consultations<br />

with Canadians. Between 2001 and 2002, the Romanow Commission sponsored<br />

open public hearings, televised <strong>for</strong>ums, expert workshops, regional <strong>for</strong>ums,<br />

partnered dialogue sessions and a series of 12 one-day deliberative dialogue<br />

sessions involving a random selection of almost 500 Canadian citizens<br />

(Romanow, 2002; Maxwell et al., 2002; Maxwell, Rosell & Forest, 2003).<br />

Beyond participating in parliamentary politics at the F/P/T levels of<br />

government, direct public involvement in health governance has been limited<br />

to more regional and local levels (Flood & Archibald, 2005). While there<br />

was a movement towards citizen election to RHA boards in the early days<br />

of regionalization, almost all RHA boards are now appointed by provincial<br />

governments (Abelson & Eyles, 2004; Chessie, 2009) (see section 2.9).

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