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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Challenge Ahead<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

379<br />

blooper. O<strong>the</strong>rs labored mightily to lend some seriousness to <strong>the</strong> affair,<br />

but <strong>the</strong>irs was no easy task. It is not too surpris<strong>in</strong>g that most people<br />

who didn’t just stay home appeared to vote for <strong>the</strong> guy with <strong>the</strong> nicest<br />

smile, who made <strong>the</strong>m feel good, who happened to be runn<strong>in</strong>g while <strong>the</strong><br />

economy was temporarily recover<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> depths to which his<br />

advisers had reduced it.<br />

Despite all this, it could be argued that <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>al differences<br />

between <strong>the</strong> elite groups that backed <strong>the</strong> two candidates might yield a<br />

major difference <strong>in</strong> consequences for victims of US state power at home<br />

and abroad. Sometimes it is worthwhile to make even decisions of thirdorder<br />

importance. On this matter, it is also arguable that <strong>the</strong> significance<br />

of vot<strong>in</strong>g varies with <strong>the</strong> office; members of <strong>the</strong> House are likely to be<br />

more responsive to <strong>the</strong>ir constituents than Senators, and <strong>the</strong> latter more<br />

responsive to <strong>the</strong> electorate than <strong>the</strong> President. As we move up <strong>the</strong><br />

hierarchy and relations become more remote, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>cumbent tends more<br />

to cater to <strong>the</strong> needs of those who control <strong>the</strong> private economy, who are<br />

also more concerned with domestic and <strong>in</strong>ternational policy at that level.<br />

As always <strong>in</strong> US politics, vot<strong>in</strong>g rema<strong>in</strong>ed largely an elite affair <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Reagan years. Barely 1/3 of <strong>the</strong> unemployed voted <strong>in</strong> 1980. Work<strong>in</strong>g<br />

class turnouts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> US are roughly 30% lower than middle class<br />

turnouts; blacks vote 20% less than whites. “If we concentrate on<br />

people with less than five years of formal education, a sure sign of class,<br />

we f<strong>in</strong>d that <strong>in</strong> Italy, 75% vote, <strong>in</strong> America, 8%,” Leuchtenberg<br />

comments. In <strong>the</strong> 1980 elections, 49% of eligible voters with family<br />

<strong>in</strong>comes of $5000-$10,000 voted, compared with 74% of those with<br />

<strong>in</strong>comes over $25,000. 71% of white collar workers and 48% of blue<br />

collar workers voted. An analysis of 30 democracies showed “a<br />

significant correlation between high voter turnout and <strong>the</strong> presence of<br />

political parties represent<strong>in</strong>g clearly def<strong>in</strong>ed strata of society—that is,<br />

parties strongly tied to specific <strong>in</strong>come classes, religious groups, or

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