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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Challenge Ahead<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

365<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestment decisions under democratic control, workers may rationally<br />

choose to avoid politics altoge<strong>the</strong>r (as <strong>the</strong>y do, to a great extent, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

US) or limit <strong>the</strong>ir engagement to <strong>the</strong> satisfaction of narrow demands,<br />

avoid<strong>in</strong>g larger issues. The process is fur<strong>the</strong>r advanced by <strong>the</strong> controls of<br />

<strong>the</strong> ideological system—<strong>the</strong> hobgobl<strong>in</strong>s regularly brought forth, <strong>the</strong><br />

j<strong>in</strong>goist propaganda, <strong>the</strong> unremitt<strong>in</strong>g propaganda about “free enterprise”<br />

which must receive massive public subsidy, etc.—and by <strong>the</strong> fact that<br />

<strong>the</strong> mere effort to ga<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation and understand<strong>in</strong>g represents a<br />

significant <strong>in</strong>vestment, worthwhile for bus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>in</strong>terests and o<strong>the</strong>rs that<br />

command <strong>the</strong> resources to use <strong>the</strong>m for <strong>the</strong>ir own purposes, a mere<br />

luxury for people who lack secondary organizations <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong>y can<br />

pool <strong>the</strong>ir resources to put what <strong>the</strong>y discover to some use. The policy of<br />

“rational ignorance” thus makes sense, <strong>in</strong> a society where true power is<br />

narrowly concentrated and popular organizations barely exist. What is<br />

called “public debate,” Cohen and Rogers comment, thus reduces to a<br />

game <strong>in</strong> which “different producer groups take turns bombard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

public with mislead<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation.” And <strong>the</strong>re are few resources<br />

available to <strong>the</strong> public to allow <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>in</strong>quire fur<strong>the</strong>r, and little for<br />

<strong>the</strong>m to ga<strong>in</strong> by expend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> quite considerable effort to do so. The<br />

public rationally turns to pursuit of personal ga<strong>in</strong> and “private forms of<br />

satisfaction,” serious engagement <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> formation of public policy not<br />

be<strong>in</strong>g a realistic option.<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>r questions also arise, though <strong>the</strong>y are secondary to <strong>the</strong>se<br />

essential features of <strong>the</strong> system of capitalist democracy. Suppose we ask<br />

what some government official will do upon leav<strong>in</strong>g office: will he or she<br />

jo<strong>in</strong> a corporate law firm, a millionaires club, an <strong>in</strong>vestment bank, a<br />

board of directors—or ra<strong>the</strong>r become a unskilled laborer, mach<strong>in</strong>ist,<br />

clerk, or service worker? The answer provides a certa<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>sight as to<br />

which group <strong>the</strong> person really represents. The class background and<br />

associations of elected and appo<strong>in</strong>ted officials, and <strong>the</strong>ir private

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