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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Challenge Ahead<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

363<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestors, who generally have good and clear reasons for <strong>in</strong>vest<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

control <strong>the</strong> state . . . Blocs of major <strong>in</strong>vestors def<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> core of political<br />

parties and are responsible for most of <strong>the</strong> signals <strong>the</strong> party sends to <strong>the</strong><br />

electorate.” Periods of political compromise reflect consensus among<br />

major blocs of <strong>in</strong>vestors, as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> “era of good feel<strong>in</strong>g” after <strong>the</strong> War of<br />

1812, when “Quite like Mexican elites a hundred years later, American<br />

<strong>in</strong>vestors for a time enjoyed <strong>the</strong> luxury of rul<strong>in</strong>g an essentially one-party<br />

state under <strong>the</strong> banner of revolutionary democracy” as “party<br />

competition (and voter turnout) virtually disappeared”; one of many such<br />

periods, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> present to a significant degree. Party<br />

realignments, he argues, reflect basic changes “<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> core <strong>in</strong>vestment<br />

blocs which constitute parties.” This “<strong>in</strong>vestment <strong>the</strong>ory of politics,”<br />

which expla<strong>in</strong>s a good deal of American political history, regards political<br />

parties as “blocs of major <strong>in</strong>vestors who coalesce to advance<br />

candidates represent<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>in</strong>terests,” <strong>in</strong>terpreted not as special<br />

<strong>in</strong>terests but as <strong>the</strong> general <strong>in</strong>terest, while “on all issues affect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

vital <strong>in</strong>terests that major <strong>in</strong>vestors have <strong>in</strong> common no party competition<br />

will take place.” One aspect of <strong>the</strong> process is “<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>teraction of high<br />

bus<strong>in</strong>ess figures and <strong>the</strong> press,” which “has frequently been pivotal for<br />

American politics.” 28<br />

The New Deal period represented a limited departure from this<br />

system: “for <strong>the</strong> first time <strong>in</strong> American history, masses of ord<strong>in</strong>ary voters<br />

organized <strong>the</strong>mselves and succeeded <strong>in</strong> pool<strong>in</strong>g resources to become<br />

major <strong>in</strong>dependent <strong>in</strong>vestors <strong>in</strong> a Party System.” But even <strong>in</strong> this case,<br />

at <strong>the</strong> center of Roosevelt’s new political coalition “are not <strong>the</strong> workers,<br />

blacks, and poor that have preoccupied liberal commentators, but<br />

someth<strong>in</strong>g else: a new ‘historical bloc’ (<strong>in</strong> Gramsci’s phrase) of hightechnology<br />

<strong>in</strong>dustries, <strong>in</strong>vestment banks, and <strong>in</strong>ternationally oriented<br />

commercial banks.” 29 The Reagan program is often described as<br />

<strong>in</strong>stitut<strong>in</strong>g a “revolution” that may overturn <strong>the</strong> New Deal. The purpose

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