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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Race to Destruction<br />

5. The Roots of <strong>the</strong> Pentagon System<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

324<br />

espite its generally frivolous character, <strong>the</strong>re is a sense <strong>in</strong> which<br />

<strong>the</strong> defensive rhetoric is appropriate: we must defend <strong>the</strong> Grand<br />

Area from its own populations—from ‘‘<strong>in</strong>ternal aggression” which<br />

threatens <strong>the</strong> Fifth Freedom. But why do we need strategic weapons to<br />

guarantee <strong>the</strong> right to <strong>in</strong>tervene <strong>in</strong> our vast doma<strong>in</strong>s?<br />

There is a reason. Strategic weapons provide an “umbrella” for<br />

<strong><strong>in</strong>tervention</strong> and aggression with impunity. The argument has been<br />

developed <strong>in</strong> various forms by planners. Carter’s Secretary of Defense<br />

Harold Brown reported to Congress that with our strategic nuclear<br />

capabilities <strong>in</strong> place, “our o<strong>the</strong>r forces become mean<strong>in</strong>gful <strong>in</strong>struments<br />

of military and political power,” a sound observation. Paul Nitze made a<br />

similar po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> NSC 141 <strong>in</strong> January, 1953. He argued that a civil<br />

defense program was necessary for two basic reasons: (1) to make a<br />

first strike aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> USSR a feasible prospect, and (2) to guarantee<br />

“<strong>the</strong> freedom of <strong>the</strong> United States Government to take strong actions <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> cold war” without too much concern over Soviet retaliation: Soviet<br />

advances <strong>in</strong> nuclear weaponry “would present an extremely grave threat<br />

to <strong>the</strong> United States” because <strong>the</strong>y “would tend to impose greater<br />

caution <strong>in</strong> our cold war policies to <strong>the</strong> extent that <strong>the</strong>se policies <strong>in</strong>volve<br />

significant threat of general war.” Our “cold war policies” are <strong>the</strong> regular<br />

policies of <strong><strong>in</strong>tervention</strong>, and it is important to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> our freedom to<br />

carry <strong>the</strong>m out. The argument carries over to <strong>the</strong> development of<br />

strategic weapons, for <strong>the</strong> reasons given by Harold Brown. 80<br />

D<br />

Notice that what concerned Nitze <strong>in</strong> 1953 was <strong>the</strong> “deadly<br />

connection”: <strong>the</strong> fear that <strong><strong>in</strong>tervention</strong> might lead to nuclear war. Civil<br />

defense be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>conceivable, an <strong>in</strong>timidat<strong>in</strong>g posture is <strong>the</strong>refore<br />

required so that we need not be overly cautious <strong>in</strong> our Cold War policies

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