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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Race to Destruction<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

322<br />

militant and activist, a “wimp” stand<strong>in</strong>g by helplessly while <strong>the</strong> Russians<br />

take over <strong>the</strong> world. The major domestic programs of <strong>the</strong> Kennedy and<br />

Reagan Adm<strong>in</strong>istrations were a huge military build-up and regressive<br />

fiscal measures to stimulate <strong>in</strong>vestment. The “monolithic and ruthless<br />

conspiracy” of Kennedy has become Reagan’s Empire of Evil. The<br />

similarities of program and rhetoric tell us someth<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> real<br />

spectrum of American politics.<br />

There are also some differences; <strong>the</strong>re was noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kennedy<br />

period to match <strong>the</strong> mean-spirited attack on <strong>the</strong> poor undertaken by<br />

Reagan, though one must bear <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> relative US power<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terim and <strong>the</strong> correspond<strong>in</strong>g reduction of means to achieve<br />

domestic and <strong>in</strong>ternational ends. Kennedy could envision “great societies<br />

at home and grand designs abroad,” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> words of presidential adviser<br />

Walter Heller, 77 but now <strong>the</strong> hungry and destitute must sacrifice for <strong>the</strong><br />

“grand designs,” as is recognized, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own style, by Kennedy’s “neoliberal”<br />

descendants.<br />

There are o<strong>the</strong>r strik<strong>in</strong>g differences. The Kennedy Adm<strong>in</strong>istration<br />

evoked much enthusiasm and admiration among <strong>the</strong> liberal<br />

<strong>in</strong>telligentsia, but <strong>the</strong>re is no Camelot today. In part, this difference<br />

reflects <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> Reaganites dismiss <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>telligentsia with<br />

contempt while Kennedy offered <strong>the</strong>m a place <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sun, a chance to<br />

rub shoulders with <strong>the</strong> great and even to share <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> exercise of power.<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Kennedy’s programs seemed to promise success, <strong>in</strong> part<br />

achieved, while Reagan’s successes lie primarily <strong>in</strong> mortgag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

country’s future while oversee<strong>in</strong>g a vast transfer of resources from <strong>the</strong><br />

poor to <strong>the</strong> wealthy, as statistics on real disposable <strong>in</strong>come demonstrate,<br />

if <strong>the</strong> homeless <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> street do not suffice.<br />

These differences reflect <strong>in</strong> part <strong>the</strong> social base of <strong>the</strong> Reagan<br />

Adm<strong>in</strong>istration, <strong>in</strong> part <strong>the</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> American global hegemony, a<br />

decl<strong>in</strong>e that has also affected <strong>the</strong> superpower enemy despite much

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