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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Race to Destruction<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

303<br />

adversaries. The claim is often quite explicit, sometimes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> most<br />

astonish<strong>in</strong>g forms, for example, when Henry Kiss<strong>in</strong>ger anguishes over<br />

<strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s “European <strong>in</strong>tellectuals began to argue that<br />

<strong>the</strong> Cold War was caused by American as well as by Soviet policies”<br />

while “a vocal and at times violent m<strong>in</strong>ority” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> US dared to<br />

challenge “<strong>the</strong> hi<strong>the</strong>rto almost unanimous conviction that <strong>the</strong> Cold War<br />

had been caused by Soviet <strong>in</strong>transigence” alone. 51<br />

The framework is a convenient one for Americans to adopt, but it has<br />

to be argued, not presupposed as is <strong>the</strong> convention. Thus, <strong>in</strong> one of <strong>the</strong><br />

more critical studies with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>stream, Gaddis expla<strong>in</strong>s that he<br />

adopts <strong>the</strong> conventional framework while recogniz<strong>in</strong>g (which is rare) that<br />

“<strong>the</strong> term ‘conta<strong>in</strong>ment’ poses certa<strong>in</strong> problems, imply<strong>in</strong>g as it does a<br />

consistently defensive orientation <strong>in</strong> American policy.” He believes that<br />

<strong>the</strong> implied premise is correct but does not argue <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t, dismiss<strong>in</strong>g it<br />

as “irrelevant for <strong>the</strong> purposes” of his study of US postwar strategy. The<br />

reason for this remarkable judgment is that “American leaders<br />

consistently perceived <strong>the</strong>mselves as respond<strong>in</strong>g to ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>in</strong>itiat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

challenges to <strong>the</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternational order,” so that it seems to him<br />

“valid to treat <strong>the</strong> idea of conta<strong>in</strong>ment as <strong>the</strong> central <strong>the</strong>me of postwar<br />

national security policy.” 52 By <strong>the</strong> same logic, we should treat<br />

conta<strong>in</strong>ment of <strong>the</strong> US as <strong>the</strong> central <strong>the</strong>me of postwar Soviet policy,<br />

and conta<strong>in</strong>ment of <strong>the</strong> West, <strong>the</strong> USSR, and <strong>the</strong> Jewish challenge as<br />

<strong>the</strong> central <strong>the</strong>mes of Hitler’s policy, s<strong>in</strong>ce Hitler as well as Stal<strong>in</strong> and<br />

his successors perceived <strong>the</strong>mselves as respond<strong>in</strong>g to challenges to <strong>the</strong><br />

health and <strong>in</strong>tegrity of <strong>the</strong> societies <strong>the</strong>y ruled. We expect state<br />

managers to perceive <strong>the</strong>ir role as defensive; <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of serious<br />

<strong>in</strong>quiry is an <strong>in</strong>vestigation <strong>in</strong>to whe<strong>the</strong>r this perception is based on fact<br />

or convenience.

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