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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Race to Destruction<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

300<br />

means, would be strategically and politically unacceptable to <strong>the</strong> United<br />

States” (my emphasis). Leffler observes that “American assessments of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Soviet threat were less a consequence of expand<strong>in</strong>g Soviet military<br />

capabilities and of Soviet diplomatic demands than a result of grow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

apprehension about <strong>the</strong> vulnerability of American strategic and economic<br />

<strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> a world of unprecedented turmoil and upheaval.” A prime<br />

concern was <strong>in</strong>digenous unrest, on <strong>the</strong> assumption that US national<br />

security required “access to <strong>the</strong> resources of Eurasia outside <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />

sphere.”<br />

Leffler notes that <strong>the</strong> dynamics of <strong>the</strong> Cold War become more clear<br />

“when one grasps <strong>the</strong> breadth of <strong>the</strong> American conception of national<br />

security,” which “<strong>in</strong>cluded a strategic sphere of <strong>in</strong>fluence with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Western Hemisphere, dom<strong>in</strong>ation of <strong>the</strong> Atlantic and Pacific oceans, an<br />

extensive system of outly<strong>in</strong>g bases to enlarge <strong>the</strong> strategic frontier and<br />

project American power, an even more extensive system of transit rights<br />

to facilitate <strong>the</strong> conversion of commercial air bases to military use,<br />

access to <strong>the</strong> resources and markets of most of Eurasia, denial of those<br />

resources to a prospective enemy, and <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>tenance of nuclear<br />

superiority.” In particular, <strong>the</strong> US commitment to <strong>the</strong> rebuild<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

Russia’s traditional enemies Japan and Germany with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> US system,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>tenance of air power, atomic weapons and bases on <strong>the</strong><br />

periphery of <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union, virtually guaranteed cont<strong>in</strong>ued tension.<br />

The concerns throughout fell with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> reign<strong>in</strong>g geopolitical<br />

conceptions already discussed, with aggression on <strong>the</strong> part of a severely<br />

weakened Soviet Union faced with overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g US power a remote<br />

cont<strong>in</strong>gency.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> most detailed current study of <strong>the</strong> postwar Soviet army,<br />

Michael Evangelista cites an <strong>in</strong>telligence estimate of 1945 that<br />

concluded that Soviet weakness made it unlikely that <strong>the</strong>y would risk a<br />

major war for at least 15 years, and notes that similar assessments were

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