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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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The Race to Destruction<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

294<br />

causes of <strong>the</strong> race to destruction are deeply-rooted <strong>in</strong> our <strong>in</strong>stitutions<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir commitments. Alleged security concerns serve as a cover for<br />

someth<strong>in</strong>g else. And tactics must be revised accord<strong>in</strong>gly.<br />

Not everyone has drawn this conclusion. The Institute for Defense &<br />

Disarmament Studies sent out a three-page fund<strong>in</strong>g letter <strong>in</strong> March<br />

1985 signed by its director, Randall Forsberg, who deserves much of<br />

<strong>the</strong> credit for <strong>the</strong> successes of <strong>the</strong> nuclear freeze campaign. The letter<br />

analyzes what has occurred <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g way. The Institute, which<br />

“launched <strong>the</strong> nuclear freeze movement <strong>in</strong> 1980,” accomplished what it<br />

set out to do: it educated <strong>the</strong> public to support a nuclear freeze. But this<br />

popular success did not lead to “a real electoral choice on <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>in</strong><br />

1984.” Why? Because of “expert opposition to <strong>the</strong> freeze,” which<br />

prevented Mondale from tak<strong>in</strong>g a supportive position. The conclusion,<br />

<strong>the</strong>n, is that we must devote our efforts to “build<strong>in</strong>g expert support”:<br />

conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> experts. This achieved, we will be able to move to a<br />

nuclear freeze. 42<br />

The underly<strong>in</strong>g assumption is that <strong>the</strong> military system drives forward<br />

because political leaders and <strong>the</strong>ir expert advisers do not understand<br />

some technical po<strong>in</strong>ts that are clear to us <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> peace movement. That<br />

is <strong>the</strong> problem, and we can overcome it by expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong>m that <strong>the</strong>re<br />

is a better way to achieve <strong>the</strong>ir goal of security and peace.<br />

The consequences of this stand are predictable. Despite <strong>the</strong><br />

announced commitment to popular activism, <strong>the</strong> public will be<br />

marg<strong>in</strong>alized and quiescent s<strong>in</strong>ce naturally it cannot be part of this<br />

elevated debate. Public apathy and obedience, and faith <strong>in</strong> alleged<br />

“experts,” will also extend to o<strong>the</strong>r doma<strong>in</strong>s. Few will understand <strong>the</strong><br />

def<strong>in</strong>ition of “expert” given by Henry Kiss<strong>in</strong>ger <strong>in</strong> one of his rare<br />

moments of lucidity: <strong>the</strong> “expert has his constituency—those who have<br />

a vested <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> commonly held op<strong>in</strong>ions: elaborat<strong>in</strong>g and def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g its<br />

consensus at a high level has, after all, made him an expert.” 43 We need

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