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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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Patterns of Intervention<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

251<br />

elsewhere, as dependent development leads to economic growth with<br />

impoverishment for much of <strong>the</strong> population, a long-term tendency to<br />

which US policy makes regular and significant contributions.<br />

<strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally to democratization, <strong>the</strong> record shows clearly that <strong>the</strong><br />

US has strenuously and often violently opposed formal parliamentary<br />

democracy when its outcome cannot be guaranteed by <strong>the</strong> domestic<br />

concentration of power and external US force, and has ev<strong>in</strong>ced a positive<br />

hatred for democracy, if we understand democracy to be a system that<br />

provides <strong>the</strong> population at large with ways to participate mean<strong>in</strong>gfully <strong>in</strong><br />

determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g public policy and controll<strong>in</strong>g state actions. In Lat<strong>in</strong> America,<br />

<strong>the</strong> US has repeatedly <strong>in</strong>tervened to overthrow democratic systems or<br />

prevent steps towards achiev<strong>in</strong>g democracy, as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case of Chile,<br />

Brazil, <strong>the</strong> Dom<strong>in</strong>ican Republic <strong>in</strong> 1963 and 1965, El Salvador <strong>in</strong> 1961<br />

and dramatically s<strong>in</strong>ce 1979, and so on; and it has done <strong>the</strong> same<br />

elsewhere as well, as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case of Laos and <strong>the</strong> Philipp<strong>in</strong>es, noted<br />

earlier. In Vietnam, US policy-makers always recognized that <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

problem was that <strong>the</strong> client regime <strong>the</strong>y had established “lacks sufficient<br />

popular support and cohesion to enter . . . a political test of strength<br />

with <strong>the</strong> front [<strong>the</strong> NLF, <strong>the</strong> political front of <strong>the</strong> Vietcong].” The generals<br />

placed <strong>in</strong> power by <strong>the</strong> US recognized that “we are very weak politically<br />

and without <strong>the</strong> strong popular support of <strong>the</strong> population which <strong>the</strong> NLF<br />

have.” Thus <strong>the</strong> US had to prevent any political settlement and<br />

physically destroy <strong>the</strong> political opposition and <strong>the</strong> society <strong>in</strong> which it was<br />

based, while runn<strong>in</strong>g elections it knew to be fraudulent to appease <strong>the</strong><br />

home front. 196<br />

It is no surprise at all that <strong>the</strong> US should overthrow <strong>the</strong> only<br />

democratic government <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> history of Guatemala <strong>in</strong> 1954, support a<br />

military coup to avert <strong>the</strong> threat of democracy <strong>in</strong> 1963, and ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />

power a series of torturers and mass murderers, while <strong>the</strong> press <strong>in</strong> its<br />

occasional commentary deplores <strong>the</strong> violence that erupted from some

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