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Noam Chomsky - Turning the Tide U.S. intervention in

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Patterns of Intervention<br />

Classics <strong>in</strong> Politics: <strong>Turn<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Tide</strong> <strong>Noam</strong> <strong>Chomsky</strong><br />

199<br />

nor do <strong>the</strong>y afterwards. Evidently <strong>the</strong> moral level <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se cultivated<br />

British circles has changed little s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> days when W<strong>in</strong>ston Churchill,<br />

<strong>the</strong>n Secretary of State at <strong>the</strong> War Office, expressed his attitude towards<br />

<strong>the</strong> use of poison gas <strong>in</strong> 1919, shortly after <strong>the</strong> furor over its use by <strong>the</strong><br />

Germans, a major war crime: “I do not understand this squeamishness<br />

about <strong>the</strong> use of gas . . . I am strongly <strong>in</strong> favour of us<strong>in</strong>g poisoned gas<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st uncivilised tribes”—namely, aga<strong>in</strong>st tribesmen <strong>in</strong> Mesopotamia<br />

and Afghanistan, and aga<strong>in</strong>st Bolsheviks <strong>in</strong> Russia dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> 1919<br />

<strong><strong>in</strong>tervention</strong>, when <strong>the</strong> first use of chemical weapons <strong>in</strong> air warfare was<br />

considered by <strong>the</strong> British GHQ to be <strong>the</strong> primary factor <strong>in</strong> early military<br />

successes. 111<br />

In short, what has been done to El Salvador and Nicaragua is taken<br />

to be <strong>the</strong> prerogative of <strong>the</strong> US—or as a knowledgeable cynic might say,<br />

its historical vocation.<br />

The debate <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>stream circles, as noted, is conta<strong>in</strong>ed strictly<br />

with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> framework established by <strong>the</strong> state propaganda system: Is<br />

Nicaragua offer<strong>in</strong>g assistance to guerrillas <strong>in</strong> El Salvador—that is, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

real world, to people defend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>mselves from American terror? The<br />

US government claims that it is, and is thus engaged <strong>in</strong> “armed attack”<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st El Salvador, which entitles <strong>the</strong> US to respond <strong>in</strong> “collective selfdefense.”<br />

Critics note that <strong>the</strong> evidence is unconv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g, and <strong>the</strong>refore<br />

question whe<strong>the</strong>r Nicaragua is guilty of such an armed attack. But <strong>the</strong><br />

major issue, clearly, is <strong>the</strong> American attack aga<strong>in</strong>st much of <strong>the</strong><br />

population of El Salvador, and this issue is excluded from <strong>the</strong> framework<br />

of debate set by <strong>the</strong> state and accepted by <strong>the</strong> critics. Even <strong>the</strong> US<br />

peace movement is <strong>in</strong> part guilty of this moral crime: <strong>the</strong> “pledge of<br />

resistance,” under which many people have been arrested for civil<br />

disobedience, refers to aggressive acts aga<strong>in</strong>st Nicaragua, not to <strong>the</strong> far<br />

more horrify<strong>in</strong>g crimes <strong>in</strong> El Salvador. Similarly, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s, <strong>the</strong><br />

debate focused primarily on <strong>the</strong> bomb<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> North, murderous and

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