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A study case on coffee (Coffea arabica): Limu Coffe - IRD

A study case on coffee (Coffea arabica): Limu Coffe - IRD

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kilometer, which is less than the z<strong>on</strong>e average of 150.6. The 1994 nati<strong>on</strong>al census gave that<br />

the five largest ethnic groups reported in the district were the Oromo (80.94%), the Amhara<br />

(11.33%), the Kullo (1.61%), the Kafficho (1.02%), and the Tigray (1.01%); all other ethnic<br />

groups made up 4.09% of the populati<strong>on</strong>. Oromic was spoken as a first language by 81.07%,<br />

14.81% spoke Amharic, 0.92% spoke Kullo, and 0.85% spoke Tigrigna; the remaining 2.35%<br />

spoke all other primary languages reported. The majority of the inhabitants were Muslims,<br />

with 70.03% of the populati<strong>on</strong> having reported they practiced that belief, while 28.31% of the<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> said they professed Ethiopian orthodox christianity (m<strong>on</strong>ophysism), and 9.72%<br />

were protestant (Central Statistic Authority, 2005).<br />

4) Producti<strong>on</strong><br />

4.1) <strong>Coffe</strong>e producti<strong>on</strong> systems: the <strong>coffee</strong> space<br />

In their article “From local food to localized food”, G. Holt and V. Amilien (2007)<br />

emphasize differences between place and space dimensi<strong>on</strong>s of the term “local food”, with “a<br />

place aspect that often underlines the historical, cultural and social features, while physical<br />

space obviously focuses <strong>on</strong> the typicality of the products from this special place.” In order to<br />

define the <strong>Limu</strong> <strong>coffee</strong> place, it is indispensable to describe the producti<strong>on</strong> spaces it involves.<br />

These spaces are a st<strong>on</strong>e of the <strong>Limu</strong> <strong>coffee</strong> place building. What are these systems of <strong>coffee</strong><br />

producti<strong>on</strong>?<br />

Local agr<strong>on</strong>omists, nati<strong>on</strong>al and regi<strong>on</strong>al researchers, administrative bureaus, peasants,<br />

even foreign journalists or agricultural development organizati<strong>on</strong>s are thrown into a semantic<br />

struggle c<strong>on</strong>cerning the different spaces in which <strong>coffee</strong> gets produced. As a sample, we can<br />

menti<strong>on</strong>: forest <strong>coffee</strong>, wild <strong>coffee</strong>, small-holder <strong>coffee</strong>, garden <strong>coffee</strong>, semi-domesticated<br />

forest <strong>coffee</strong>, semi-forest <strong>coffee</strong>, modern <strong>coffee</strong> plantati<strong>on</strong>, home garden <strong>coffee</strong>. Some of these<br />

terms mean the same spaces, and often reflect c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> in words and c<strong>on</strong>cepts. We can quote<br />

as the best example wild <strong>coffee</strong>s and forest <strong>coffee</strong>s, c<strong>on</strong>sidered as syn<strong>on</strong>yms, which are in fact<br />

semi-forest <strong>coffee</strong>s that we better name agro-forest <strong>coffee</strong>s. What is disturbing our semantic<br />

framework is the degree of anthropisati<strong>on</strong> met by the <strong>coffee</strong> envir<strong>on</strong>ment. A recurrent error<br />

remains <strong>on</strong> the use of terms as wild or forest <strong>coffee</strong>s associating the visi<strong>on</strong> of undiscovered<br />

36

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