Martial Arts Of The World - Webs

acteristics in regional styles of pentjak silat because of the physical characteristics
of inhabitants and socioeconomic factors.
Within the virtually infinite variety of styles, however, there are elements
in common among Indonesian silat and its derivatives of Filipino
silat and Malaysian bersilat. In general, silat is characterized by the following.
While all systems are based on the use of weapons, training begins
with instruction in empty-hand tactics and progresses to armed techniques.
A wide variety of weapons are incorporated into the systems. Although
bladed weapons are particularly favored, sticks of various lengths, polearms,
and projectile weapons are found among the various styles. The
weapons used, although their prototypes may have originated outside
Southeast Asia, are regarded as specifically Indonesian and Malayan, for
example, the kris (a double-edged stabbing dagger) and the tjabang
(branch; a short, trident-shaped weapon similar to the Okinawan sai).
In order to embark on training with a traditional teacher, students
were required to offer gifts, which symbolized the path about to be taken.
According to Draeger and Smith, these were: “1. A chicken whose blood
is spread on the training ground as a symbolic substitute for blood that
might otherwise come from the student; 2. A roll of white cloth in which
to wrap the corpse if a student should be killed during practice; 3. A knife,
which symbolizes the sharpness expected of a student; 4. Tobacco for the
teacher to smoke during rest periods; 5. Some money to replace the
teacher’s clothes if they are ripped in practice” (1980, 180). Following acceptance,
a bond that extended far beyond a business arrangement developed—and
indeed still does; students and teacher are regarded as sharing
a blood relationship.
With variation from system to system, training includes learning the
etiquette that governs practice sessions, basic natural weapons of the body
and the targets that these techniques attack, stances and movements from
posture to posture, sparring, vital-point striking (similar to Japanese
atemi), weapons, and training in esoteric supernatural methods of attack,
defense, and healing. The transmission of knowledge is less by direct instruction
than by observation of the teacher and senior students with periodic
correction, especially at the lower levels of the art. Until the latter part
of the twentieth century, silat remained strictly combative, avoiding the
compromises needed to make the transition to sport. Outside self-defense
situations, silat has been an element of local celebrations (e.g., weddings,
village festivals). According to Kirstin Pauka, among the Menangkabu at
least, the common term for such “non-serious” use of the art is main silek
(“playing silek [silat]”). The playful dimension allows silat to be subjected
to both functional (self-defense) and aesthetic (performance) criteria. The
criteria are, according to Pauka, for the functional qualities, effectiveness,
Silat 527