Martial Arts Of The World - Webs

Martial Arts Of The World - Webs Martial Arts Of The World - Webs

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to deliver the labor and taxes demanded of them. In this way, local gods symbolized the authority that rulers exercised over people and land. After the late thirteenth century, it became common for rural warriors to augment their clan shrines by establishing clan-centered Buddhist temples (ujidera [94]), especially ones associated with Pure Land or Zen. Pure Land teachings were especially popular among warriors because they promised that even killers could escape the torments of hell and attain deliverance to the Buddha’s Pure Land. The main appeal of Zen priests lay in their ability to perform Chinese-style funeral rites and elaborate memorial services that enhanced the earthly prestige of deceased warrior rulers and their descendants. These different forms of Buddhism did not necessarily preclude one another. A single family could, for example, sponsor many types of religious institutions simultaneously: an esoteric temple to pray for military success, a Pure Land temple for the salvation of soldiers killed in battle, a Confucian hall to teach duty and loyalty to their living vassals, and a Zen temple for the aggrandizement of their clan ancestors. Regardless of their denominational affiliation, however, Buddhist temples functioned like clan shrines as religious reinforcements for social and political status. In many cases, for example, the abbot of the main temple would be a blood relation of the leader of the local warrior band that sponsored the temple. The abbot’s disciples consisted primarily of kinsmen of the vassals who comprised the warrior band, and these disciples would serve as head priests at affiliated branch temples sponsored by those vassal families. In this way familial, military, and ecclesiastical hierarchies merged or mirrored one another. Peasants found themselves subjected to social domination justified by unified religious and military authority. The deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu served this same purpose for Japan as a whole. Martial arts were taught by one generation to the next within real or fictional familial lineages (ryûha [95]). These martial art lineages, like warrior families in general, also worshiped ancestral spirits and tutelary deities. Anyone who wished to learn martial curricula was required to sign a pledge (kishômon [96]) requesting membership in one of these lineages. Such pledges usually concluded by stating that any violations of the lineage’s rules would invite divine punishment by their tutelary deities. Members of the lineage observed ancestor rites and participated in religious ceremonies at clan temples and shrines just as if they were related by blood. Group devotion was symbolized by the donation of votive plaques (hônô kaku [97]) to local shrines or temples. These plaques typically proclaimed the historical ties of that particular martial lineage to a religious institution, listed the names of all the lineage members, and requested divine assistance. Donation of a plaque was accompanied by monetary gifts and performance of religious ceremonies, including ritual performance of martial arts. Par- 488 Religion and Spiritual Development: Japan

ticipation in public ceremonies not only reinforced hierarchical distinctions within the lineage, but also constituted public notice of a martial lineage’s assertion of authority within that locality. Anyone who attempted to introduce a rival martial art lineage in that same area would risk retaliation by the established lineage as well as religious sanctions. Acceptance of a martial art plaque by a temple or shrine, therefore, sanctified that lineage’s local hegemony. Tutelary deities and their institutions functioned as local agents for the Japanese form of East Asian Buddhism usually known—using the designation popularized by Kuroda Toshio [98] (1926–1993)—as exoteric-esoteric (kenmitsu [99]) systems. In premodern Japan almost all Buddhist lineages (e.g., Hossô [100], Nichiren [101], Sanron [102], Shingon [103], Shugendô [104], Tendai [105], Zen [106]), as well as priestly lineages now considered non-Buddhist (e.g., Shintô), taught to greater or lesser degrees variations of these exoteric-esoteric systems. This form of Buddhism integrated exoteric doctrines, especially impermanence (mujô [107]) and no-self (muga [108]) as taught in the Agama scriptures and emptiness (kû [109]) and consciousness-only (yuishiki [110]) as taught in the Mahayana scriptures, with esoteric tantric rituals as taught in Vajrayana scriptures to produce all-encompassing systems of metaphysical resemblances. These resemblances were illustrated by means of cosmogonic diagrams (mandalas) that depict how the single undifferentiated realm of the Buddha’s bliss, knowledge, and power unfolds to appear as infinitely diverse yet illusory realms within which ignorant beings suffer. All the objects, sounds, and movements depicted in these mandala diagrams can be manipulated ritually to transform one level of reality into the other. In particular, mandalas were projected outward to become the physical landscape of Japan, especially the mountains and precincts of temple-shrine (jisha [111]) organizations, and were absorbed inward to become the individual bodies of practitioners. In this way local gods became temporal manifestations (gongen [112]) of universal Buddhas, and all the places and practices of daily life became ciphers of cosmic meaning. Knowledge of the secret significance of these ciphers allowed priests to define, literally, the terms of public discourse and thereby to control all aspects of cultural production, from religious rituals to government ceremonies, from poetry to military strategies. Enterprises gained respectability through their associations with prominent religious institutions that inscribed them with the secret signs of Buddhas and gods (butsujin [113]). The basis of all social positions, employment, and products would be traced back to divine origins. All activities, even killing, were justified through association with divine models. The tools of all trades were visualized as mandalas that mapped the locations and links between Buddhas Religion and Spiritual Development: Japan 489

to deliver the labor and taxes demanded of them. In this way, local gods<br />

symbolized the authority that rulers exercised over people and land.<br />

After the late thirteenth century, it became common for rural warriors<br />

to augment their clan shrines by establishing clan-centered Buddhist temples<br />

(ujidera [94]), especially ones associated with Pure Land or Zen. Pure<br />

Land teachings were especially popular among warriors because they<br />

promised that even killers could escape the torments of hell and attain deliverance<br />

to the Buddha’s Pure Land. <strong>The</strong> main appeal of Zen priests lay in<br />

their ability to perform Chinese-style funeral rites and elaborate memorial<br />

services that enhanced the earthly prestige of deceased warrior rulers and<br />

their descendants. <strong>The</strong>se different forms of Buddhism did not necessarily<br />

preclude one another. A single family could, for example, sponsor many<br />

types of religious institutions simultaneously: an esoteric temple to pray for<br />

military success, a Pure Land temple for the salvation of soldiers killed in<br />

battle, a Confucian hall to teach duty and loyalty to their living vassals, and<br />

a Zen temple for the aggrandizement of their clan ancestors. Regardless of<br />

their denominational affiliation, however, Buddhist temples functioned like<br />

clan shrines as religious reinforcements for social and political status. In<br />

many cases, for example, the abbot of the main temple would be a blood<br />

relation of the leader of the local warrior band that sponsored the temple.<br />

<strong>The</strong> abbot’s disciples consisted primarily of kinsmen of the vassals who<br />

comprised the warrior band, and these disciples would serve as head priests<br />

at affiliated branch temples sponsored by those vassal families. In this way<br />

familial, military, and ecclesiastical hierarchies merged or mirrored one another.<br />

Peasants found themselves subjected to social domination justified<br />

by unified religious and military authority. <strong>The</strong> deification of Tokugawa<br />

Ieyasu served this same purpose for Japan as a whole.<br />

<strong>Martial</strong> arts were taught by one generation to the next within real or<br />

fictional familial lineages (ryûha [95]). <strong>The</strong>se martial art lineages, like warrior<br />

families in general, also worshiped ancestral spirits and tutelary deities.<br />

Anyone who wished to learn martial curricula was required to sign a<br />

pledge (kishômon [96]) requesting membership in one of these lineages.<br />

Such pledges usually concluded by stating that any violations of the lineage’s<br />

rules would invite divine punishment by their tutelary deities. Members<br />

of the lineage observed ancestor rites and participated in religious ceremonies<br />

at clan temples and shrines just as if they were related by blood.<br />

Group devotion was symbolized by the donation of votive plaques (hônô<br />

kaku [97]) to local shrines or temples. <strong>The</strong>se plaques typically proclaimed<br />

the historical ties of that particular martial lineage to a religious institution,<br />

listed the names of all the lineage members, and requested divine assistance.<br />

Donation of a plaque was accompanied by monetary gifts and performance<br />

of religious ceremonies, including ritual performance of martial arts. Par-<br />

488 Religion and Spiritual Development: Japan

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