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Martial Arts Of The World - Webs

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zation) politicians. Similarly, ten years later, the 30,000-member organization<br />

Nasrul Haq (NH) was singled out not only for its suspect political<br />

connections, but because of claims that members of NH posed a threat to<br />

the prevailing social order not only by teaching silat and allowing female<br />

participation, but also by practicing magical chants and engaging in<br />

trances. Both practices suggest a connection to martial esotericism. For<br />

Malaysia as a whole, the record demonstrates the reappearance of millennial<br />

and ecstatic Islamic cults during virtually every episode of historical<br />

crisis. It is likely that research would reveal crucial ways in which religion,<br />

silat, and nationalism are intertwined in these movements.<br />

Okinawan martial arts oral tradition depicts similar ethnic and cultural<br />

struggles, supported in similar ways by the esoteric indigenous art of di, or<br />

te (hand). Like all folk histories, these narratives are sometimes at odds with<br />

the written record. Nevertheless, the historical traditions of te trace its development<br />

as an underground art to the conquest of the Ryûkyû Islands by<br />

the Shimazu clan of Satsuma in southern Japan (Kyûshû Island) in 1609. At<br />

this time, the private possession of weapons, banned by Okinawan king Sho<br />

Shin’s edict of the late fifteenth century, came to be more stringently enforced<br />

by the Shimazu, as did prohibitions on the practice of the arts of war. Oral<br />

tradition maintains that Ryûkyûans (Okinawans) continued to practice martial<br />

arts at odd hours and in secret locations to avoid detection, and that for<br />

over three hundred years te was practiced secretly and transmitted orally or<br />

by means of privately transcribed “secret texts.” After the Satsuma conquest<br />

and until the Meiji Restoration (1868), Okinawans were systematically oppressed.<br />

Oral narratives among practitioners of te consistently embody the<br />

theme of turning adversity to strength via martial esotericism, a theme that<br />

is consistent with the situations described above. In addition, these traditions<br />

maintain that the practice of te leads to the development of ki (Japanese) or<br />

qi (Chinese; chi)—a form of intrinsic energy said to ward off blows and increase<br />

the practitioner’s strength to supernormal levels. Te, according to oral<br />

tradition, was used against the Japanese in a guerilla fashion reminiscent of<br />

the strategies described for Indonesia.<br />

Brazilian capoeira constitutes a final example of a connection between<br />

esoteric martial arts, a dominated group, and ethnic conflict. In attempting<br />

to determine the origins of the martial art, J. Lowell Lewis cites a range of<br />

oral traditions tying the development of capoeira to the African Brazilian<br />

slave population; some commentators, in fact, posit an African origin for<br />

the fighting techniques and some of the terminology employed. <strong>The</strong> early<br />

record (pre-1920) is sketchy and heavily dependent on folk history, but the<br />

relevance of capoeira to the current issue is obvious. Oral tradition connects<br />

capoeira with the fugitive slave “kingdom” of Palmares in the region<br />

of Pernambuco, Brazil. <strong>The</strong> successful resistance movement by the Pal-<br />

Political Conflict and the <strong>Martial</strong> <strong>Arts</strong> 439

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