Venezuela: The Life and Times of the Party System - Political ...

system as used in Venezuela works to the advantage of large parties. It also favors coalitions,
and counters the dispersion of votes (see Rey 1986, 42 and Rausseo 1981, 42-44). The task of
raising this issue has fallen almost entirely to the minority parties, in particular the MAS (see
Molina 1989 and MAS 1989). According to leaders of MAS, the three elements used to distribute
seats (the electoral formula, the size of districts, and mechanisms for final compensation) have
distorted Venezuelan PR to the detriment of smaller groups and factions. 1
Efforts to reform the electoral system also respond to changes in Venezuelan electoral
behavior which some attribute to deficiencies of the electoral system itself. In particular, the
increase in abstention over the past several elections is seen as a reason for electoral reform, in
the belief that change is needed to bring about greater participation by the electorate. Until
recently, Venezuela pointed with pride to its high levels of electoral participation. Nevertheless,
since the first election for municipal councils (1979) and in the subsequent local contests, the
level of abstention has increased. In the national elections of 1978 the rate of abstention was
12.4 percent, while in the municipal elections of 1979 this figure climbed to 27.1 percent.
Whereas abstention was 12.1 percent in the 1983 national elections, in the municipal elections
the following year it reached 40.7 percent. Finally, in the national elections of 1988 abstention
was 18.3 percent, and in the recent elections for state governors, mayors, and municipal
authorities the figure soared to 54.8 percent. 2 In a system that views voting as a civic duty and
as a pledge of adherence to the democratic regime, such a rise in abstention causes serious
concern. Inasmuch as voting (or, perhaps more accurately, voting for AD or COPEI) and support
for democracy have long been linked both practically and ideologically, abstention looms as a real
problem, especially given the broader context of increasing criticism of the political system as a
whole.
Reforms Put into Practice
The adoption in 1978 of the Ley Orgánica del Régimen Municipal was an attempt to give
autonomy and administrative viability to municipalities (see Linsey and Herrera 1980). This
initiative opened the door for significant political and electoral reforms. The main reforms enacted
during the 1980s consisted of separate elections for municipal councils (1979), direct elections for
the offices of state governors and mayors (1989), and the introduction of elements of nominal
1 Despite these arguments, there have been no attempts to replace the d’Hondt system with
other methods of awarding seats, in particular the Saint Lague method. It has been concluded
that any improvements on the present system would be marginal. There would also be the
problem that Saint Lague does not work in favor of coalitions, a crucial feature of the Venezuelan
political system. See Rausseo (1981, passim).
2 Data are from CSE (1990b).