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service but by more confrontational or agonistic talk, framed for example by
Watts as politic work. In this sense, there is evidence for the operation of a
culturally specific working consensus, somewhat different to how this is
manifest in Anglo-American culture.
Of course, Goffman's notion of ritual equilibrium and working consensus
was directly linked to prevailing positive social values that participants in face-
to-face encounters sought claim. Indeed, it was the claiming and ratification of
such values that formed the basis of Goffman's reading of the concept of face.
Much of the variation between the two speech communities in what plays out
conversationally as equilibric interaction might be explained by differing
prevailing positive social values. Germans for example have been argued to
claim social value based on the need to be seen as'alive'to and actively
involved in the interaction (Byrnes 1986; Watts 1989; Kotthoff 1993), proffer a
credible position (Friday 1994) and defend this (Byrnes 1986), and not be seen
as submissive or weak in being able to ýold one's position (Kotthoff 1993), or
conversationally 'passive' as an interlocutor (Watts 1989) and generally be able
to conduct oneself in talk with a certain focus on demeanour (Straehle 1997).
Conversely, much of what has been observed about English speakers - both
British and US-English - corroborates both Goffman's and politeness theorists
assertions of persons hoping to perceived as polite, tactful, and tolerant, one
might say 'charming' or 'likeable" c)
in and through their communicative acts and
to display a certain deference to fellow-interlocutors.
Positive social values, although applying in both cultures, seem then to
be different in nature across the two lingua-cultures and importantly, clearly
inform the images of self sought in and through their conversational
contributions. It seems then that again, as with Brown and Levinson's positive-
negative bases for facework, the findings on English - German differences in
communicative style do not undermine Goffman's fundamental notion of ritual
equilibrium and the face as images of self based claims to positive social value,
but rather point to different cultural variation operating within these universal
paradigms. Thus, the positive - negative and ritual equilibrium paradigms would
still appear valid explanatory frameworks. Indeed, the findings presented above
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