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contributions, with the former set <strong>of</strong> concerns leading to a focus on<br />

interpersonal harmony, and the latter to substantive development <strong>of</strong> talk and<br />

focus on propositional content. Thus dominant positive social values were<br />

shown to guide participants in talk and which, through their various<br />

conversational practices, participants in both milieu sought to claim and have<br />

ratified by their fellow participants.<br />

This body <strong>of</strong> work has provided invaluable insight into German and<br />

English orientations to conversational interaction. However, perhaps the most<br />

comprehensive piece <strong>of</strong> US-English - German comparative research,<br />

specifically addressing salient variations in conversational style was that<br />

conducted by Straehle (1997). Drawing on these earlier findings, Straehle<br />

(1997) further explored differences in the ways in which participants in German<br />

and American talk worked towards producing casual conversatio n7<br />

. Specifically,<br />

Straehle focused on the various 'involvement strategies' (Tannen 1984) used by<br />

US and German conversational ists as part and parcel <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong><br />

ongoing conversation, that is, how members <strong>of</strong> each culture conversationally<br />

signalled their aliveness to and involvement in ongoing conversational<br />

interaction. In producing such talk, salient differences emerged in the way<br />

participants from each culture both normatively oriented to the collaborative<br />

activity <strong>of</strong> topic development, and variously focused on self or other face<br />

concerns. One important finding to emerge from Straehle's study was the<br />

apparent tendency for US-English speakers to focus on deference in talk<br />

(G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967), and German to-focus on demeanour.<br />

Straehle's analysis <strong>of</strong> US-English and German conversation was<br />

conducted against a backdrop <strong>of</strong> interview data from informants from both<br />

cultures which largely corroborated Byrnes's earlier work on US-English and<br />

German conversational differences. For instance, in attempting to define 'good<br />

conversation', Straehle's German informants listed such things as being able to<br />

learn something, having one's standpoint challenged and being able to defend<br />

it, having the opportunity to challenge and 'beat' others in argumentation, a<br />

reciprocal granting <strong>of</strong> uninterrupted attention to each others' standpoints, and a<br />

necessary thematic focus on the developing topic. Conversely, Americans listed<br />

such things as the sharing <strong>of</strong> experience, discovery <strong>of</strong> commonality and areas<br />

5cl

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