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universality, particularly in studies <strong>of</strong> Asian" cultures (Gu 1990; Matsumoto<br />

1988; Mao 1994; Morisaki and Gudykunst 1994; Scollon and Scollon 1994;<br />

Ting-Toomey; 1988; Ting-Toomey et al. 1991; Cockcr<strong>of</strong>t and Ting-Toomey<br />

1994). These concerns have been based largely on what has been identified as<br />

the inapplicability <strong>of</strong> the negative aspect <strong>of</strong> Brown and Levinson's face - i. e. the<br />

need for individual autonomy from others based on the conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

person as an essentially independent entity. For example, Matsumoto (1988)<br />

and Morisaki and Gudykunst (1994) argue that Brown and Levinson's autonomy<br />

face is not applicable to the Japanese culture. Such a concept is based on the<br />

basic unit <strong>of</strong> society being the individual, and neglects the fact that it is the<br />

acknowledgement and maintenance <strong>of</strong> the relative position <strong>of</strong> others, rather<br />

than the preservation <strong>of</strong> an individual's proper territory which governs social<br />

interaction. It is not the claiming <strong>of</strong> an autonomous territory with the individual<br />

as its locus, but rather the'fitting in'with the rest <strong>of</strong> the group, which is a<br />

primary concern to Japanese interactants. Similarly, Mao (1994) sees this<br />

overly individuated conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> face as being inapplicable to Chinese<br />

culture, where the emphasis is placed not the accommodation <strong>of</strong> individual<br />

wants or desires, but the harmony <strong>of</strong> individual conduct with the views and<br />

judgements <strong>of</strong> the community. These rejections <strong>of</strong> what are seen as an overly<br />

individualistic aspect to face extend into other Asian cultures sharing a similar<br />

on connectedness with the rest <strong>of</strong> society.<br />

This apparent fundamental incongruity between East-West<br />

conceptualisations <strong>of</strong> face has led to the identification <strong>of</strong> the additional sets <strong>of</strong><br />

dimensions which might better account for how face should be conceptualised<br />

and how this might inform cultural variation in facework practices, such as<br />

individual i sm-collectivi sm (H<strong>of</strong>stede 1980), and high-context / low-context<br />

cultures (Hall 1976; 1983) (e. g. Ting-Toomey 1985; 1988; 1990; Ting-Toomey<br />

et al. 1991; Cockcr<strong>of</strong>t and Ting-Toomey 1994; Trubisky, Ting-Toomey, and Lin<br />

1991).<br />

The individualism - collectivism paradigm is employed for instance to<br />

generally refer to the cluster <strong>of</strong> attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours towards<br />

oneself and co-members <strong>of</strong> society which reflect a common system <strong>of</strong><br />

underlying values. The former is usually characterised by, in the first instance, a<br />

31

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