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9.5 Conclusion To conclude this chapter and the thesis as a whole, I would like to cite Goffman's observations on cultural variation in facework practices and the achievement of ritual equilibrium* Each person, subculture, and society seems to have its own characteristic repertoire of face-saving practices. It is to this repertoire that people partly refer when they ask what a person or culture is "really" like. And yet the particular set of practices stressed by particular persons or groups seems to be drawn from a single logically coherent framework of possible practices (Goffman 1967,13). I would hope that, by addressing two different cultures, who appear to be I really' unlike each other in terms of their conversational style, I have illustrated how such a single framework - that of conversational selves - is drawn upon variously in the doing of sociable conversation. These are in effect the symbolic cards with which one must play the culturally specific game of sociability (see fig 9.3). Figure 9.3 Cultural, Self, Sociable Equilibrium Range of available conversational selves Mob and alignment Sociable Equilibrium Culture C.. (Western/Easte(n) It remains to be seen whether such a broad claim can be validated by future research. I would hope that, even if I have taken the wrong way in tackling my specific research problem, others reading this thesis may be inspired to find the right way. ý, uiiure A (e 9 the Enqlmh 304
Notes to Chapter 9 1 When we are taught how to behave properly as children, what we are actually being taught to do is ratify, reciprocate and engage in the ritual engagement of selves that is inherent in accepting a sweet from an adult, or following the teachers instructions to pretend to be a sunflower. 305
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9.5 Conclusion<br />
To conclude this chapter and the thesis as a whole, I would like to cite<br />
G<strong>of</strong>fman's observations on cultural variation in facework practices and the<br />
achievement <strong>of</strong> ritual equilibrium*<br />
Each person, subculture, and society seems to have its own<br />
characteristic repertoire <strong>of</strong> face-saving practices. It is to this repertoire<br />
that people partly refer when they ask what a person or culture is "really"<br />
like. And yet the particular set <strong>of</strong> practices stressed by particular persons<br />
or groups seems to be drawn from a single logically coherent framework<br />
<strong>of</strong> possible practices (G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967,13).<br />
I would hope that, by addressing two different cultures, who appear to be<br />
I really' unlike each other in terms <strong>of</strong> their conversational style, I have illustrated<br />
how such a single framework<br />
- that <strong>of</strong> conversational selves - is drawn upon<br />
variously in the doing <strong>of</strong> sociable conversation. These are in effect the symbolic<br />
cards with which one must play the culturally specific game <strong>of</strong> sociability (see fig<br />
9.3).<br />
Figure 9.3 Cultural, Self, Sociable Equilibrium<br />
Range <strong>of</strong> available<br />
conversational<br />
selves<br />
Mob<br />
and alignment<br />
Sociable<br />
Equilibrium<br />
Culture C..<br />
(Western/Easte(n)<br />
It remains to be seen whether such a broad claim can be validated by<br />
future research. I would hope that, even if I have taken the wrong way in<br />
tackling my specific research problem, others reading this thesis may be<br />
inspired to find the right way.<br />
ý, uiiure A<br />
(e 9 the Enqlmh<br />
304