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to bring themselves and their interlocutors closer together; it is in effect a<br />

ratification <strong>of</strong> sameness. In the facework as politeness paradigm, this is<br />

normally taken to be achieved via a range <strong>of</strong> discourse strategies, from specific<br />

politeness 'markers' in the realisation <strong>of</strong> speech acts (e. g. the use <strong>of</strong> "we" over<br />

"I"), to general orientations to conversation per se (e. g. 'showing interest') (see<br />

Brown and Levinson 1987). The importance and salience in conversation <strong>of</strong><br />

solidaric expression underlies both G<strong>of</strong>fman's and Brown and Levinson's<br />

development <strong>of</strong> facework. G<strong>of</strong>fman (1967) for instance speaks in quite general<br />

terms <strong>of</strong> 'working consensus' or'lip-service'. Whilst Brown and Levinson (1987)<br />

provide a comprehensive list <strong>of</strong> 'positive politeness' strategies. In short, positive<br />

facework can be perceived <strong>of</strong> as a kind <strong>of</strong> '-social accelerant' functioning to<br />

bring people 'closer together'. (Brown and Levinson 1987,103). This general<br />

ethos associated with positive politeness was shown to underlie subsequent<br />

models <strong>of</strong> facework which have incorporated and sought to build on this<br />

fundamental reading (e. g. Arndt and Janney 1987; Lim and Bowers 1991;<br />

Scollon and Scollon 1981) as well as in more conventional studies <strong>of</strong> politeness<br />

(e. g. Lak<strong>of</strong>f 1973; 1979; Leech 1983; Fraser 1990). Conversely, negative<br />

facework was shown to be generally treated as an 'avoidance' based<br />

phenomenon. That is, by employing negative facework, persons seek to keep<br />

their own selves and others at some 'symbolic distance', thereby recognising<br />

and ratifying themselves and others as autonomous preserves. Again, as with<br />

positive facework as politeness, a range <strong>of</strong> discourse strategies have been<br />

identified within the facework as politeness paradigm. As with positive<br />

politeness, the focus on a recognition and redressing <strong>of</strong> the autonomy <strong>of</strong> one's<br />

interlocutor underlies both G<strong>of</strong>fman's and Brown and Levinson's work.<br />

Although well-proven concepts in the analysis <strong>of</strong> facework, I noted in<br />

Chapter 3 that studies subsequent to Brown and Levinson have increasingly<br />

noted the complexity <strong>of</strong> discourse and its apparent recalcitrance to systematic<br />

analysis for facework using the facework as politeness paradigm. These<br />

observations have come about even though there has been an increasing call<br />

for the turn to naturally occurring conversational data drawn from naturally<br />

occurring settings for a more valid and comprehensive understanding <strong>of</strong><br />

facework practices.<br />

293

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