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approach advanced in Chapter 3.1 have drawn on both the observations set out in Chapter 6 regarding conversational alignment and Chapter 7 regarding sociable selves to illustrate how facework in sociable episodes can be demonstrated to be alignment of sociable selves. Fundamentally, what the preceding analysis has evidenced is that sociable episodes can be conceived of as being characterised by varying degrees of both positive and negative alignment, with certain primary alignments giving a particular skewing to any given sociable episode. Importantly, these various alignments have been shown to be contingent on the mobilisation of salient and routinely mobilised sociable selves - ones regularly drawn upon as symbolic resources by participants in each culture. Although this drawing from what is in effect a symbolic conversational pool of routinely available sociable selves has been shown to occur equally routinely in both cultures, the analysis of the preceding data has evidenced some cultural variation in terms of the nature of the selves mobilised and the manner in which they are aligned in the achievement of sociability. This culturally expressive variation on a universal set of symbolic practices (i. e. alignment of sociable selves) has been shown to apply to both conversational selves as images (i. e. figures invoked in talk) and players (i. e. the selves employed to manage those figures in talk) (see Goffman 1967). Taking these basic premises of sociable conversation, what the preceding analysis has demonstrated is that the various sociable selves mobilised by participants in talk are ratified in and through the reciprocative mobilisation of supportive sociable selves in both primarily positively aligned and primarily negatively aligned contexts. For example, re-invoked selves have been shown to be ratified in and through the mobilisation and alignment of similar re-invoked selves (see 'Cookie's Party'), and agonistic selves are ratified in and through the mobilisation of similarly agonised selves (see 'Internationale Arbeitslosigkeit') in the achievement of positively skewed alignment. Similarly, narrative selves have been shown to be ratified in and through the mobilisation of appropriate audiential selves (see 'Tommy Fields') and examinatory selves are ratified in and through the mobilisation of 282

demeaned and knowledgeable selves (see'Studieren als Hobby') in the achievement of negatively skewed alignment in English and German sociable episodes respectively. Such activity has been shown to play itself out as equilibric conversation, that is, recurring and institutionalised forms of talk endemic to sociability in each respective culture. Further, this is talk which accommodates variously both negative and positive aspect of conversational selfhood. In this sense, what the preceding analyses have demonstrated is that equilibric interaction has been shown to be contingent on cultural variations in what Goffman (1967) famously termed working consensus. That is, participants in both primarily positively aligned and primarily negatively aligned conversational environments appear to be mutually and reciprocatively aligning to culturally normative ways to achieve sociable equilibrium. I shall discuss this last point further in Chapter 9. Aside from demonstrating how both positive and negative alignments occur variously in the same conversational environment in each culture, I have also demonstrated in the preceding analysis that such alignments can be seen to occur in each of the topic types identified in Chapter 5- viz. reminiscences (excerpt 'Cookie's Party'), reportables (excerpt'Tommy Fields'), agonisers (excerpt 'Internationale Arbeitslosigkeit' ['International Unemployment']), biographicals (excerpt 'Stud iere n als Hobby' ['Studying as a Hobby']) - ones endemic to sociable conversation in each culture. These findings are represented in table 8.1. This again evidences the endemic nature of positive - negative alignment practices in both cultures across major topic types routinely drawn upon for sociable conversation. 283

demeaned and knowledgeable selves (see'Studieren als Hobby') in the<br />

achievement <strong>of</strong> negatively skewed alignment in English and German sociable<br />

episodes respectively.<br />

Such activity has been shown to play itself out as equilibric<br />

conversation, that is, recurring and institutionalised forms <strong>of</strong> talk endemic to<br />

sociability in each respective culture. Further, this is talk which accommodates<br />

variously both negative and positive aspect <strong>of</strong> conversational selfhood. In this<br />

sense, what the preceding analyses have demonstrated is that equilibric<br />

interaction has been shown to be contingent on cultural variations in what<br />

G<strong>of</strong>fman (1967) famously termed working consensus. That is, participants in<br />

both primarily positively aligned and primarily negatively aligned<br />

conversational environments appear to be mutually and reciprocatively<br />

aligning to culturally normative ways to achieve sociable equilibrium. I shall<br />

discuss this last point further in Chapter 9.<br />

Aside from demonstrating how both positive and negative alignments<br />

occur variously in the same conversational environment in each culture, I<br />

have also demonstrated in the preceding analysis that such alignments can<br />

be seen to occur in each <strong>of</strong> the topic types identified in Chapter 5- viz.<br />

reminiscences (excerpt 'Cookie's Party'), reportables (excerpt'Tommy<br />

Fields'), agonisers (excerpt 'Internationale Arbeitslosigkeit' ['International<br />

Unemployment']), biographicals (excerpt 'Stud iere n als Hobby' ['Studying as a<br />

Hobby']) - ones endemic to sociable conversation in each culture. These<br />

findings are represented in table 8.1. This again evidences the endemic<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> positive - negative alignment practices in both cultures across major<br />

topic types routinely drawn upon for sociable conversation.<br />

283

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