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previously relayed some of the details of this particular pub - the extent and nature of such being indicated by RP's claims in line 6 of not wanting to 'go there' and experience what KP&LP had experienced - this moment marks the beginning of the phase 'rommy Fields'. From this point onwards, all participants can be seen to mutually conversationally align to the past reality of 'Tommy Fields. The conversational and symbolic resources are embedded in this past individuated event, and, like 'Cookie's Party', for the duration of this particular phase of the episode, these linguistic and sociological resources are drawn upon to achieve equilibric sociable conversation. Subsequently, KPUP and RP&EP mobilise and align sociable selves as both players and images grounded in essentially - at least for the duration of the narrative - unique symbolic universes. As conversational players, the salient selves mobilised in 'Tommy Fields' are narrative ones. If we consider the talk itself, it is clear that what the narrating selves mobilised by KP&LP are conveying is not a measured and factual account of the interior of Tommy Fields. Rather, such selves are conversationally manifest in the dramatic licence being exercised to make this account a sociable one, that is, entertaining and interesting for the recipients RID and EP. There are frequent vivid claims made as to the nature of the pub and participants within it. For instance, claims such as 'You walk in and everybody stops talkin" (lines 25 and 60), 'all' customers (necessarily apart from KP&LP) had 'skinheads' and 'teeth missing' (line 82), 'coshes' (lines 43 and 70), 'hob nail boots' (line 35), and being 'bigger than any cunt' KP had ever seen in his life appear prima facie exaggerated - untrue even. However, as I noted above (Chapter 5), and has been observed by others (e. g. Byrnes 1986; Straehle 1997), truth value, factual accuracy, and clarity are not characteristic of English sociable conversation or, importantly, not conversationally characteristic of narrative selves. This is clearly evidenced in Tommy Fields as KP&LP mobilise narrating selves which allow the invocation of Tommy Fields and allow also for the invocation of KP&LP as conversational images around which the situated reality of 'Tommy Fields' unfolds. 256

Running alongside these narrative selves are the second type of sociable selves mobilised in such contexts, namely, audiential selves. The conversational work required of such sociable selves is reduced compared to narrating selves but equally as important to the episode. RP and EP mobilise and align audiential selves throughout this episode to ratify in the first instance the narrating selves of KP&I-P. In doing this, RP and EP demonstrate both their aliveness to the unfolding event and KP&LPs general handing as narrative conversational players. In terms of the self as image, KIP and LP posit their narrated and situated selves as being in a very alien environment and in a state of high affectiveness - that is, primarily 'scared' (lines 13,17,23, and 26) more than they ever had been before, to the point of being 'terrified' (line 43). As I noted in Chapter 7, affected selves are aided in their conversational life by the treatment accorded them by some participating conversational player. Over lines 12-27, both LP and KIP invoke the general nature of the scene within which their replayed selves and those of the other pub customers will be invoked. The word 'scary' and derivatives thereof is employed several times over these 15 or so lines to make it unequivocally clear, not only the nature of the pub, but importantly, the affective states of both KIP and LIP upon contact with the pub. In line 20, LIP invokes a 1980's horror film 'The Hills have Eyes' as analogous with the setting, whilst in lines 26-33 KIP states how he was 'less scared in the Main stand ... at city ... when United', referring to his attendance at a Manchester United versus Manchester City match he and RP attended some years previously where they were two of only three 'United' supporters in amongst thousands of 'City' supporters (a situation carrying some potential consequences for physical assault if they had been identified). Following this unequivocal framing of both the nature of the pub and the affective states of both KIP and LP, the narrative is relayed with the use of salient selves. How is primary alignment achieved in this episode then, or how is this sociable made narrative made possible in and through the mobilisation of the sociable selves identified above? Fundamentally, in terms of the types of 257

Running alongside these narrative selves are the second type <strong>of</strong><br />

sociable selves mobilised in such contexts, namely, audiential selves. The<br />

conversational work required <strong>of</strong> such sociable selves is reduced compared to<br />

narrating selves but equally as important to the episode. RP and EP mobilise<br />

and align audiential selves throughout this episode to ratify in the first<br />

instance the narrating selves <strong>of</strong> KP&I-P. In doing this, RP and EP<br />

demonstrate both their aliveness to the unfolding event and KP&LPs general<br />

handing as narrative conversational players.<br />

In terms <strong>of</strong> the self as image, KIP and LP posit their narrated and<br />

situated selves as being in a very alien environment and in a state <strong>of</strong> high<br />

affectiveness - that is, primarily 'scared' (lines 13,17,23, and 26) more than<br />

they ever had been before, to the point <strong>of</strong> being 'terrified' (line 43). As I noted<br />

in Chapter 7, affected selves are aided in their conversational life by the<br />

treatment accorded them by some participating conversational player. Over<br />

lines 12-27, both LP and KIP invoke the general nature <strong>of</strong> the scene within<br />

which their replayed selves and those <strong>of</strong> the other pub customers will be<br />

invoked. The word 'scary' and derivatives there<strong>of</strong> is employed several times<br />

over these 15 or so lines to make it unequivocally clear, not only the nature <strong>of</strong><br />

the pub, but importantly, the affective states <strong>of</strong> both KIP and LIP upon contact<br />

with the pub. In line 20, LIP invokes a 1980's horror film 'The Hills have Eyes'<br />

as analogous with the setting, whilst in lines 26-33 KIP states how he was 'less<br />

scared in the Main stand ... at city ... when United', referring to his attendance at<br />

a Manchester United versus Manchester City match he and RP attended<br />

some years previously where they were two <strong>of</strong> only three 'United' supporters<br />

in amongst thousands <strong>of</strong> 'City' supporters (a situation carrying some potential<br />

consequences for physical assault if they had been identified). Following this<br />

unequivocal framing <strong>of</strong> both the nature <strong>of</strong> the pub and the affective states <strong>of</strong><br />

both KIP and LP, the narrative is relayed with the use <strong>of</strong> salient selves.<br />

How is primary alignment achieved in this episode then, or how is this<br />

sociable made narrative made possible in and through the mobilisation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

sociable selves identified above? Fundamentally, in terms <strong>of</strong> the types <strong>of</strong><br />

257

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