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convey and receive this particular replayed set of experiences and as figures in that replayed reality. In this sense, whereas 'Cookie's Party'was essentially positively skewed, with all participants having a common experiential past, 'Tommy Fields' is essentially negatively skewed. Whereas I posited 'Cookie's Party' as an example of a reminiscence topic type, 'Tommy Fields', in the way it is collaboratively conversationally handled by KP&LP and RP&EP, can be classed as what I referred to earlier as a reportable type of topic (see Chapter 5). The talk is essentially framed as a narrative, that is, a story or report of a directly experienced event which can be relayed to co-p arti ci pants. In this sense, whereas 'Cookie's Party' was an event experienced by all but one of the participants, 'Tommy Fields' is essentially presented and framed as an event experienced by only one set of participants - KP&EP. Again, the manner in which this particular narrative is handled is typical of English sociable conversation in general. Similar to 'Cookie's Party, in fact more so, it is both highly dramatised and exaggerated, and peppered with both the expression and appreciation of humour. Again, quite clearly, the truth value or factual accuracy of the narrative is relegated in favour of what might be termed the entertainment value. As with'Cookie's Party', alongside the general handling as sociable style, of fundamental importance here is the self-work being achieved. That is, as equally important as the relaying of unique experience is the mobilisation of a unique set of selves, both as players and images. As with 'Cookie's Party', we might initially employ a vernacular category to account for the selves mobilised in 'Tommy Fields' such as evisitors to rough pubs'. However, more generic types of sociable selves can be identified which allow for the presentation of such vernacular selves. There are two basic types of sociable selves mobilised here. These are, in the first instance are narrating selves, and what was generally referred to earlier as audiential selves (see Chapter 7). The preceding examination of 'Cookie's Party' allowed for an illustration and brief discussion of the nature and mobilisation of narrating selves (see LM's attempt to narrate her falling down stairs), albeit within an episode of generally solidaric alignment. Here 254
however, such narrating selves are more salient and provide not secondary symbolic resources - as in 'Cookie's Party' - but primary ones. The category of audiential selves was used earlier to refer to the general standpoint taken by recipients of talk in response to the mobilisation of narrating selves. Audiential selves are generally receptive entities, their conversational function being to appreciate - more specifically demonstrate their appreciation of - such things as unfolding narrative (see Goffman 1974). Both sets of selves, narrating and audiential, are central to the organisation and achievement of 'Tommy Fields' as a recognisable piece of sociability, and are invoked and aligned with one another in the replayed setting to create what is cast as a truly dramatic and unique event to which KPUP had access. As images, the primary selves invoked in 'Tommy Fields' can be seen to belong to the category of what was referred to earlier as affected selves, that is, selves which display some heightened degree of emotion and affective state. As in'Cookie's Party, there are moments in the talk were similar selves are mobilised in order to signal solidarity and nuances of positive alignment. Such moves do not however threaten the essential uniqueness of the selves proffered by KP&RP but rather, support them. Whereas inCookie's Party'the selves as both players and images were essentially shared out across speakers, who drew on these as a type of symbolic pool, inTommy Fields'there is more of an asymmetrical distribution of selves. Generally, narrative selves are mobilised almost exclusively by KP&LP, whilst audiential selves are mobilised similarly exclusively by RP&EP. Further, due to their monopoly on narrating selves, KP&LP are able to claim the lion's share of affective selfhood, although not exclusively so. This asymmetrical distribution of available selves is one of the general organisational features of this talk which adds to its essentially negative skewing in terms of overall alignment. The excerpt begins with RP&EP's closing comments on their account of the Reeperbahn in Hamburg. Immediately following this in line 4, LP introduces the pub 'Tommy Fields'. Even though RP notes that KP has 255
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however, such narrating selves are more salient and provide not secondary<br />
symbolic resources - as in 'Cookie's Party' - but primary ones. The category<br />
<strong>of</strong> audiential selves was used earlier to refer to the general standpoint taken<br />
by recipients <strong>of</strong> talk in response to the mobilisation <strong>of</strong> narrating selves.<br />
Audiential selves are generally receptive entities, their conversational function<br />
being to appreciate - more specifically demonstrate their appreciation <strong>of</strong> -<br />
such things as unfolding narrative (see G<strong>of</strong>fman 1974). Both sets <strong>of</strong> selves,<br />
narrating and audiential, are central to the organisation and achievement <strong>of</strong><br />
'Tommy Fields' as a recognisable piece <strong>of</strong> sociability, and are invoked and<br />
aligned with one another in the replayed setting to create what is cast as a<br />
truly dramatic and unique event to which KPUP had access.<br />
As images, the primary selves invoked in 'Tommy Fields' can be seen<br />
to belong to the category <strong>of</strong> what was referred to earlier as affected selves,<br />
that is, selves which display some heightened degree <strong>of</strong> emotion and affective<br />
state. As in'Cookie's Party, there are moments in the talk were similar selves<br />
are mobilised in order to signal solidarity and nuances <strong>of</strong> positive alignment.<br />
Such moves do not however threaten the essential uniqueness <strong>of</strong> the selves<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>fered by KP&RP but rather, support them.<br />
Whereas inCookie's Party'the selves as both players and images<br />
were essentially shared out across speakers, who drew on these as a type <strong>of</strong><br />
symbolic pool, inTommy Fields'there is more <strong>of</strong> an asymmetrical distribution<br />
<strong>of</strong> selves. Generally, narrative selves are mobilised almost exclusively by<br />
KP&LP, whilst audiential selves are mobilised similarly exclusively by RP&EP.<br />
Further, due to their monopoly on narrating selves, KP&LP are able to claim<br />
the lion's share <strong>of</strong> affective selfhood, although not exclusively so. This<br />
asymmetrical distribution <strong>of</strong> available selves is one <strong>of</strong> the general<br />
organisational features <strong>of</strong> this talk which adds to its essentially negative<br />
skewing in terms <strong>of</strong> overall alignment.<br />
The excerpt begins with RP&EP's closing comments on their account<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Reeperbahn in Hamburg. Immediately following this in line 4, LP<br />
introduces the pub 'Tommy Fields'. Even though RP notes that KP has<br />
255
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