Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository

Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository

usir.salford.ac.uk
from usir.salford.ac.uk More from this publisher
23.03.2013 Views

selves as players to mobilise essentially abased selves as conversational images. Such distribution of selves points to the fact that 'Cookie's Party' can be seen to be primarily positively skewed. That is, uniqueness in terms of selves mobilised as both conversational images and players is minimised in favour of the mutual mobilisation and alignment of essentially similar selves both as sociable players and sociable images. The key of course to fully understanding how such selves are relevant to our understanding of conversation in sociable episodes lies in the manner in which they are aligned in the sequential development of the talk itself. Moving on from these general alignment observations then, I now want to consider more closely the conversational data for its alignment features. At the beginning of the excerpt, LM makes an evaluative statement about Cookie's house party (line 1). This in itself reveals nothing of its alignment features - it may for instance have been a unique experience which LIM wishes to develop into a narrative. However, rather than negatively aligning to this particular re-invocation (as would be necessary for the pursuit of narrative), in line 4 DB similarly mobilises a re-invoking self, and one which consensually attests to the evaluation made by LM. From this point onwards, LM, DB, TM, and RP mobilise similar re-invoking selves by drawing on the past reality of Cookie's party. Subsequently, DB, RP, and TM mobilise and align selves as both players and images grounded in a similar symbolic universe. In terms of selves as conversational players, there are certain similarities in the types of selves mobilised and how these are handled. All co- present selves here orient to the same past reality, appear to evaluate this similarly, and invoke similar past selves as figure within that reality. In this sense, the primary selves mobilised as players here are re-invoking selves. In line 1, LM clearly mobilises a re-invoking self, followed by DB and TM. By mobilising such solidaric sociable selves the participants in'Cookie's Party' are able to align positively as each engages in the similar practice of talking about a past sociable event in a present sociable one. 246

An interesting phenomenon which is evidenced in DB's contribution line 18 is one seen in much of this type of collective re-invocation in English sociable conversation, namely, the temporary 'freezing out' of a participant from moments of heightened positive alignment. Here, D13 signals here inability to mobilise and align positively with her co-participants in talk. By asking 'Was that before I met you Dave', D13 clearly signals here inability to positively align. In effect, at least for the duration of this particular phase of the episode, DB is somewhat forced to negatively align, by adopting more of an audiential footing, evident in her contributions in line 101 ('BROKE the what'), and arguably in line 77 where she attempts to mobilise a more humorous based self, effectively negatively altercasting the others temporarily in an audiential role. Overall though, aside from DB's temporary alienation (see also JL's temporary alienation in Excerpt 6.3'More Often'), as players, similar sociable selves are mobilised and mutually aligned. To consider the selves as images mobilised in the talk, as I noted above, the general nature of selves invoked here is party-goers. One striking feature of these selves mobilised by participants in this episode is their abased nature. For instance, in lines 6-11, and again in lines 51-54, LM invokes a figure 'falling downstairs' and having a can of 'gold label' (an extremely potent English beer at around 9% alcohol content) in her hand. This type of abased inebriated self is similar to that drawn upon by AL in his account of getting drunk in Stockton (see Excerpt 7.6 'Up a Hill') and as I noted earlier, one often drawn upon for both negative and positive alignment in English German sociable conversation (see Chapter 7). In positive alignment, DB similarly invokes an abased aspect of past selfhood, manifest in his claims to remember nothing about 'that night' apart from Cookie's bathroom being wrecked (lines 14-16). What is implied by this conversational claim - and what DB himself is implying - is not that DB has a faulty memory, or that the event was too insignificant to be remembered (indeed the converse seems to be the case as all that DB can recall is the shower being ripped off 247

selves as players to mobilise essentially abased selves as conversational<br />

images. Such distribution <strong>of</strong> selves points to the fact that 'Cookie's Party' can<br />

be seen to be primarily positively skewed. That is, uniqueness in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

selves mobilised as both conversational images and players is minimised in<br />

favour <strong>of</strong> the mutual mobilisation and alignment <strong>of</strong> essentially similar selves<br />

both as sociable players and sociable images.<br />

The key <strong>of</strong> course to fully understanding how such selves are relevant<br />

to our understanding <strong>of</strong> conversation in sociable episodes lies in the manner<br />

in which they are aligned in the sequential development <strong>of</strong> the talk itself.<br />

Moving on from these general alignment observations then, I now want to<br />

consider more closely the conversational data for its alignment features.<br />

At the beginning <strong>of</strong> the excerpt, LM makes an evaluative statement<br />

about Cookie's house party (line 1). This in itself reveals nothing <strong>of</strong> its<br />

alignment features - it may for instance have been a unique experience which<br />

LIM wishes to develop into a narrative. However, rather than negatively<br />

aligning to this particular re-invocation (as would be necessary for the pursuit<br />

<strong>of</strong> narrative), in line 4 DB similarly mobilises a re-invoking self, and one which<br />

consensually attests to the evaluation made by LM. From this point onwards,<br />

LM, DB, TM, and RP mobilise similar re-invoking selves by drawing on the<br />

past reality <strong>of</strong> Cookie's party. Subsequently, DB, RP, and TM mobilise and<br />

align selves as both players and images grounded in a similar symbolic<br />

universe.<br />

In terms <strong>of</strong> selves as conversational players, there are certain<br />

similarities in the types <strong>of</strong> selves mobilised and how these are handled. All co-<br />

present selves here orient to the same past reality, appear to evaluate this<br />

similarly, and invoke similar past selves as figure within that reality. In this<br />

sense, the primary selves mobilised as players here are re-invoking selves. In<br />

line 1, LM clearly mobilises a re-invoking self, followed by DB and TM. By<br />

mobilising such solidaric sociable selves the participants in'Cookie's Party'<br />

are able to align positively as each engages in the similar practice <strong>of</strong> talking<br />

about a past sociable event in a present sociable one.<br />

246

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!