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The intent of this chapter is to provide the reader with a balanced and informative, yet digestible overview of face and facework. The intent is not - and for reasons of space and brevity cannot be - to provide an encyclopaedic overview of all that has been said and done in face and facework research (see Cupach and Metts 1994; Earley 1997; Metts 1997; Spiers 1998; Tracey 1990; and Ting-Toomey 1994). Rather, the chapter aims, in the first instance, to provide a necessary conceptual background to the more specific concerns of this particular study whilst, at the same time, providing the reader with a foundational understanding of issues surrounding the study of face and facework in general. I shall begin by considering key foundational texts, to which the majority of facework studies can be conceptually traced, namely, the work of Goffman (1967) and Brown and Levinson (1987) (1.1). These two bodies of work are not only essential to understanding the concept of face and facework practices per se, but also provide the basis for the conceptual and theoretical arguments advanced later in this thesis. Following this I shall point to recent conceptual debates address. ing the concept of face as a universal, drawing particularly on work conducted by scholars focussing on non-Western conceptualisations, largely in response to Brown and Levinson (1.2). 1 shall then focus on evidence of cross-cultural variation in communicative norms and practices which seem to undermine conventional understanding of politeness and facework (1.3). Next I shall provide a short summary of the preceding discussion (1.4) before moving on to conclude the chapter (1.5). In the first instance, this chapter should not be read as an authoritative account of face and facework per se, but rather, a sketching of the conceptual terrain on which this particular thesis is built, and as a primer for subsequent chapters. 14
1.1 Foundational Texts In order to gain some form of exegetic handle on the concepts of face and facework, Tracey (1990) divides extant research into two main camps. Socio-linguistic based 'politeness theory approaches' (stemming mainly from Brown and Levinson [1987]), and a cluster of 'socio-psychological approaches' (stemming largely from the work of Goffman [1967])2. Similarly, Metts (1997) reviews face and facework under the rubrics 'Goffman's Model' and 'Politeness Theory'. Likewise, I will employ a similar organisation here, albeit in a way pertinent to this particular study. Before addressing these two paradigms though, some brief mention must be made of the cultural provenance of the concept of face, namely, early Asian writings. Although enjoying current favour amongst discourse analysts, face is not a 'new` concept. It can in fact be traced back as far as the early part of the last century (e. g. Hu 1944; MacGowan 1912; Smith 1894; Yang 1945). These early writings were primarily concerned with oriental conceptual isations of face, particularly the Chinese notion, and are best exemplified by Hu's (1944) systematic exposition of the concept. Hu identified two essential criteria by which face should be considered in Chinese society: 'mien-tzu'- essentially the success and reputation achieved through personal effort; and 'lien' - essentially the respect for and confidence in moral integrity of all members of that community. Both aspects informed the day-to-day conduct of individuals. Lien was regarded as central to the individual's claims to be a decent, honest, moral member of society. Immoral or dishonest acts, or a lack of circumspection and considerateness extended to others could result in the disapproval, condemnation or ridicule of the wider cultural group. Consequently, this could lead to the individual losing lien to varying degrees and ultimately humiliation and disgrace to the point where the individual might be unable to function as a normal member of that society. Mien-tzu was seen to have a wider variety of meanings, and could refer to both self-presentational aspects (the outer appearance of a person, the self as projected in face-to-face interaction) as well as an individual's social status. Although the consequences for one's self were not regarded as severe as losing lien, like lien, awareness and orientation to mien-tzu informed both the conduct of he self and the considerate shown to 15
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1.1 Foundational Texts<br />
In order to gain some form <strong>of</strong> exegetic handle on the concepts <strong>of</strong> face<br />
and facework, Tracey (1990) divides extant research into two main camps.<br />
Socio-linguistic based 'politeness theory approaches' (stemming mainly from<br />
Brown and Levinson [1987]), and a cluster <strong>of</strong> 'socio-psychological approaches'<br />
(stemming largely from the work <strong>of</strong> G<strong>of</strong>fman [1967])2. Similarly, Metts (1997)<br />
reviews face and facework under the rubrics 'G<strong>of</strong>fman's Model' and 'Politeness<br />
Theory'. Likewise, I will employ a similar organisation here, albeit in a way<br />
pertinent to this particular study. Before addressing these two paradigms<br />
though, some brief mention must be made <strong>of</strong> the cultural provenance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
concept <strong>of</strong> face, namely, early Asian writings.<br />
Although enjoying current favour amongst discourse analysts, face is not<br />
a 'new` concept. It can in fact be traced back as far as the early part <strong>of</strong> the last<br />
century (e. g. Hu 1944; MacGowan 1912; Smith 1894; Yang 1945). These early<br />
writings were primarily concerned with oriental conceptual isations <strong>of</strong> face,<br />
particularly the Chinese notion, and are best exemplified by Hu's (1944)<br />
systematic exposition <strong>of</strong> the concept. Hu identified two essential criteria by<br />
which face should be considered in Chinese society: 'mien-tzu'- essentially the<br />
success and reputation achieved through personal effort; and 'lien' - essentially<br />
the respect for and confidence in moral integrity <strong>of</strong> all members <strong>of</strong> that<br />
community. Both aspects informed the day-to-day conduct <strong>of</strong> individuals. Lien<br />
was regarded as central to the individual's claims to be a decent, honest, moral<br />
member <strong>of</strong> society. Immoral or dishonest acts, or a lack <strong>of</strong> circumspection and<br />
considerateness extended to others could result in the disapproval,<br />
condemnation or ridicule <strong>of</strong> the wider cultural group. Consequently, this could<br />
lead to the individual losing lien to varying degrees and ultimately humiliation<br />
and disgrace to the point where the individual might be unable to function as a<br />
normal member <strong>of</strong> that society. Mien-tzu was seen to have a wider variety <strong>of</strong><br />
meanings, and could refer to both self-presentational aspects (the outer<br />
appearance <strong>of</strong> a person, the self as projected in face-to-face interaction) as well<br />
as an individual's social status. Although the consequences for one's self were<br />
not regarded as severe as losing lien, like lien, awareness and orientation to<br />
mien-tzu informed both the conduct <strong>of</strong> he self and the considerate shown to<br />
15
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