Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository
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9 RT: Hm:: 10 EP: Or together--yeah: 11 (0.5) 12 RT: In any case we'll have to take Hei: ke [home 13 FT: [Yeah: that's what I mean 14 (0.5) 15 RT: We'll have to (. ) take her home first of all=[after that 16 FT: [But then we could go to our 17 place couldn't we= 18 PN: =Hm:: 19 20 EP: Yeah (0.5) that would be a possi[bility= 21 KN: [Yeah 22 RT: =But then we could [meet at Allersee couldn't [we 23 EP: [Yeah 24 KN: [Yeah that's an idea= 25 26 PN: =Yeah 27 EP: Yeah (1) from when will you be there 28 (0.5) 29 RT: Well (0.5) around the afternoon= 30 31 KN: EP: =But not before L3 o'clock= [To us it's the same 32 (1) 33 34 RT: Well (0.5) shall we say (1) 4 o'clock (0.5) at the entrance 35 KN: Yeah=that's [manageable (. ) isn't [it Peter 36 EP: [Hm: 37 PN: [Hm:: Similar to English re-invoked selves, it may be the case that German pre- invoked selves are contingent on some in-group status and therefore not only endemic but perhaps unique to sociable conversation. These then are salient and frequently mobilised conversational and sociable selves in each respective culture. In and through the mobilisation, speakers - and by virtue of their alignments, recipients - are able to take varying degrees of positive alignment. 7.5 Summary: Sociable Selves - Player, Images, and Positive Social Values In the preceding discussion I have attempted to expand on and evidence the sociable selves set out in table 7.1. A re-reading of the data presented in Chapter 6 may, in the light of this particular chapter, further evidence some 230
of these selves at conversational work. Whereas the previous chapter focused on demonstrating the contingencies of positive and negative alignment practices, this chapter has been about setting out some of the symbolic building blocks which allow those practices to be manifest as sociable conversation. In using the concept of the self (7.1), 1 have gone beyond the basing my arguments in general propensities of sociable conversation (see Chapter 3) to consider more specifically how such propensities may be played out conversationally as part and parcel of the sociable practices. This is achieved I have argued in and through a range of culturally available sociable selves. I stated at the beginning of this chapter that the concept of the self employed here was based in the dual mandate reading of Goffman (see 7.1). That is, the self as conversational performer or player, and the self as image proffered in and through talk (Cf. Goffman 1963; 1971). Fundamentally, this notion of the self was posited as being informed at a cultural level by prevailing positive social values (see 7.1). Upon reflecting on the findings presented in sections 7.2 to 7.4, it is clear that the performances made and images presented in the normal process of conducting sociable episodes in each respective milieu are variously influenced by those values. German sociable conversation requires for instance participants to mobilise demeaned, knowledgeable, and examinatory selves in and through their sociable conversation. This can be clearly seen to index the values set out in 7.1 and Chapter 2. Likewise, English sociabilist, in and through their performances and proffered images - narrative / narrated and often abased in nature - can clearly be seen to be claiming (Goffman 1967) the positive social values operating in their particular cultural milieu. Participant in both cultures then can be seen to be aligning themselves to fellow participants, the situation as a sociable one, and a higher set of shared cultural vales. What has been implied as alignment throughout will be the focus of interest in the following and final of the analytical chapters. In terms of the usefulness of the concept of the self in allowing some analytical purchase both here, and as part of the study as a whole, I would argue that the data presented has clearly evidenced the amenability of a sociological conceptual i sation to actual spoken interaction and highlighted the centrality of the concept of the 231
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<strong>of</strong> these selves at conversational work. Whereas the previous chapter focused<br />
on demonstrating the contingencies <strong>of</strong> positive and negative alignment<br />
practices, this chapter has been about setting out some <strong>of</strong> the symbolic building<br />
blocks which allow those practices to be manifest as sociable conversation. In<br />
using the concept <strong>of</strong> the self (7.1), 1 have gone beyond the basing my<br />
arguments in general propensities <strong>of</strong> sociable conversation (see Chapter 3) to<br />
consider more specifically how such propensities may be played out<br />
conversationally as part and parcel <strong>of</strong> the sociable practices. This is achieved I<br />
have argued in and through a range <strong>of</strong> culturally available sociable selves.<br />
I stated at the beginning <strong>of</strong> this chapter that the concept <strong>of</strong> the self<br />
employed here was based in the dual mandate reading <strong>of</strong> G<strong>of</strong>fman (see 7.1).<br />
That is, the self as conversational performer or player, and the self as image<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>fered in and through talk (Cf. G<strong>of</strong>fman 1963; 1971). Fundamentally, this<br />
notion <strong>of</strong> the self was posited as being informed at a cultural level by prevailing<br />
positive social values (see 7.1). Upon reflecting on the findings presented in<br />
sections 7.2 to 7.4, it is clear that the performances made and images<br />
presented in the normal process <strong>of</strong> conducting sociable episodes in each<br />
respective milieu are variously influenced by those values. German sociable<br />
conversation requires for instance participants to mobilise demeaned,<br />
knowledgeable, and examinatory selves in and through their sociable<br />
conversation. This can be clearly seen to index the values set out in 7.1 and<br />
Chapter 2. Likewise, English sociabilist, in and through their performances and<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>fered images - narrative / narrated and <strong>of</strong>ten abased in nature - can clearly<br />
be seen to be claiming (G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967) the positive social values operating in<br />
their particular cultural milieu.<br />
Participant in both cultures then can be seen to be aligning themselves to<br />
fellow participants, the situation as a sociable one, and a higher set <strong>of</strong> shared<br />
cultural vales. What has been implied as alignment throughout will be the focus<br />
<strong>of</strong> interest in the following and final <strong>of</strong> the analytical chapters. In terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />
usefulness <strong>of</strong> the concept <strong>of</strong> the self in allowing some analytical purchase both<br />
here, and as part <strong>of</strong> the study as a whole, I would argue that the data presented<br />
has clearly evidenced the amenability <strong>of</strong> a sociological conceptual i sation to<br />
actual spoken interaction and highlighted the centrality <strong>of</strong> the concept <strong>of</strong> the 231