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suddenly'freak out'), but to mobilise a self which is receptive to the affective nature of the speaker claim. Such alignment of selves may lead to what is known in English as joint gossiping whereby the negative self becomes transformed into a more positively charged entity (see 7.4.1). These emotive bases for negative alignment commonly drawn upon by affected selves - disgust, heightened amusement, contempt - are common in English sociable conversation. They occur far less frequently in my German data set, where such emotive talk seems to be conversationally capped, lest I would argue it signal a loss of control or demeanour on the part of the speaker as player or image. Indeed, there was one particular participant in my German cohort who regularly - and by German norms quite unusually - proffered affected selves in conversational episodes. This person, although often supported temporarily in her sudden outburst of amusement or disgust, often led to collusive 'knowing looks' on the part of other participants, who appeared at these moments to be working hard to avoid the conversation becoming for example'too silly'. The final English negative sociable self that I have identified in table 7.1 is what I have termed the abased self. In English sociable conversation, participants regularly mobilise abased selves. What I am referring to here is what plays itself out conversationally as the routine (both in situ and as invoked figures) downplaying, diminishing, casting negatively, or positing as morally questionable the self as player or image, albeit temporarily and for the duration of any particular period of alignment. For example, English speakers will frequently invoke some abased figure in a narrative. A recurrent example of an abased self is one embedded as the central figure in tales of getting drunk, being embarrassed over some gaffe or faux pas, or engaging in some morally questionable or regrettable activity (see Goffman 1967). In the following excerpt, JUAL proffer abased selves in provide an account of being drunk on the way to Stockport one night. 206
Excerpt 7.6'Up a Hill' The sociable gathering is in its early stages and this particular episode is centred around reports of what each of the participants / couples have been 'up to'. I JL: ALAN HAD had a drink when we was goin' (2) hhhh and we got the taxi 2 3 to go to Stockport=well I've never been before=>we got in the taxi and the taxi driver said to him< (0.5) where is 4 it (. ) >he said up an hill< 5 (0.5) 6 AL: HAHA[HA 7 8 RP: [Up an hill 9 ZW: OUP a Milo= 10 JL: =Up a hill (. ) you know up the hill 11 0 12 RP: Yeah= 13 14 JL: AL: =>So the taxi driver said that don't< tell me a lot [I TOLD HIM 15 16 NEAR THE MARket 17 JL: He said NEA: R the MARket (. ) but you kept sayin' (1) Up the hill (1) on 18 19 20 the hill (1) and that's you got out of you (1) he said well I'll take you -all were I think it is 21 AL: Yeah 22 (0.5) 23 JL: Right=Do you remember 24 (1) 25 AL: Yeah YEAH YEAH=HAHAHAhaha 26 (0.5) 27 28 RP: This was GOING to the pub was it 29 AL: I remember it so:: we:: Il 30 (0.5) 31 JL: And comin' back was WORse As well as the self abased as image in narrative, Abased Selves are also often mobilised in situ. This is perhaps best evidenced in the English tendency to eschew compliments, self-deprecate (see Jefferson 1978), or posit oneself as non-competent or non-knowledgeable one or the other areas - what is referred to in English as'hiding one's light under a bushel'as opposed to'blowing one's own horn. Thus, expressions of narratee memorisation, sudden enlightenment, or manifest incompetence may be used in the face of another's presentation. An example of this recipient abasement can be seen in the following episode where Kev's new PC enjoys the focus of conversational attention. 207
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Excerpt 7.6'Up a Hill'<br />
The sociable gathering is in its early stages and this particular episode is centred<br />
around reports <strong>of</strong> what each <strong>of</strong> the participants / couples have been 'up to'.<br />
I JL: ALAN HAD had a drink when we was goin' (2) hhhh and we got the taxi<br />
2<br />
3<br />
to go to Stockport=well I've never been before=>we got in the<br />
taxi and the taxi driver said to him< (0.5) where is<br />
4 it (. ) >he said up an hill<<br />
5 (0.5)<br />
6 AL: HAHA[HA<br />
7<br />
8<br />
RP: [Up an hill<br />
9 ZW: OUP a Milo=<br />
10 JL: =Up a hill (. ) you know up the hill<br />
11 0<br />
12 RP: Yeah=<br />
13<br />
14<br />
JL:<br />
AL:<br />
=>So the taxi driver said that don't< tell me a lot<br />
[I TOLD HIM<br />
15<br />
16<br />
NEAR THE MARket<br />
17 JL: He said NEA: R the MARket (. ) but you kept sayin' (1) Up the hill (1) on<br />
18<br />
19<br />
20<br />
the hill (1) and that's you got out <strong>of</strong> you (1) he said well I'll take you<br />
-all<br />
were I think it is<br />
21 AL: Yeah<br />
22 (0.5)<br />
23 JL: Right=Do you remember<br />
24 (1)<br />
25 AL: Yeah YEAH YEAH=HAHAHAhaha<br />
26 (0.5)<br />
27<br />
28<br />
RP: This was GOING to the pub was it<br />
29 AL: I remember it so:: we:: Il<br />
30 (0.5)<br />
31 JL: And comin' back was WORse<br />
As well as the self abased as image in narrative, Abased Selves are also<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten mobilised in situ. This is perhaps best evidenced in the English tendency<br />
to eschew compliments, self-deprecate (see Jefferson 1978), or posit oneself as<br />
non-competent or non-knowledgeable one or the other areas - what is referred<br />
to in English as'hiding one's light under a bushel'as opposed to'blowing one's<br />
own horn. Thus, expressions <strong>of</strong> narratee memorisation, sudden enlightenment,<br />
or manifest incompetence may be used in the face <strong>of</strong> another's presentation. An<br />
example <strong>of</strong> this recipient abasement can be seen in the following episode where<br />
Kev's new PC enjoys the focus <strong>of</strong> conversational attention.<br />
207