Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository
Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository Download (23MB) - University of Salford Institutional Repository
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Excerpt 7.2 'Doin' Foreigners' Shortly before this gathering, a local doctor had been arrested on suspicion of murdering several of his patients. It would later transpire that the doctor in question would achieve the status of being the world's most notodous serial killer. JW: A bloke were tellin'me about that doctors (0.5) RP: Oh here we go (0.5) JW: Yeah (. ) apparently he's been doin foreigners at weekends hahahaha RP: Ha=You(h)'re horrible ZW: That's lousy that Interestingly, and again this may well reflect the predominant styles highlighted and illustrated in previous chapters, these types of joking selves proffered in the course of 'serious' topic development rarely occurred in my German data, but were common in the English conversations (indeed, it appears that such newsworthy events often provides ripe conversational resource for sociable presentations). Working reciprocatively with narrating / narrated selves are audiential selves, or, in staying with the current typification, what might be termed narratee selves. In the face of presented narrating selves, fellow sociabilists are expected to display their receptiveness to the ongoing presentation by showing that they have 'been stirred' in an appropriate way and to an appropriate degree (see Goffman 1974). narratee selves commonly display interest, amusement, aghast, all in the right places, and often to the point of losing control, being overwhelmed by the contingencies of the unfolding reality. The mobilisation of narratee selves is apparent in the recipient actions in both 'Crippled DicW (intense amusement throughout) and 'Doin' Foreigners' (suitable recipient 'comic shocW). Again, there are salient cross-cultural differences between English audiential selves and their German equivalents. Symbolically, German audiential selves tend to be more measured, controlled entities, and perhaps most markedly, evaluative entities. 200
The in-the-know self is a second symbolic entity often posited in English sociable conversation. This is somewhat different from what I shall shortly refer to as the knowledgeable self in German (see 7.3.2), in that the in-the-know self seems to be normatively based in some uniquely experienced event, or some other world to which conversational recipients are not (assumed to be) privy, rather than merely knowledge of a certain topic per se. For example, frequently in English sociable conversation, participants will recount some personal experience as a basis on which to prima facie inform or 'enlighten' their co- participants. Fellow conversational i sts will be told (and in and through their recipient actions will be expected to display they have been told) something they didn't know, were under a misguided impression about, or were generally 'in the dark about'. Such in-the-know selves are often based in narrative but can also be mobilised during more objective discussion on a given topic. To give some concrete examples, a prime conversational environment for the successful mobilisation of in-the-know selves is that where some pending or possible contact with other worlds or experiences is being conveyed by one or the other of the co-present participants. Participants may seize such presentational opportunities to'offer good advice' or'give tips' based on their own [still currently unique] experience. Conversationally, recommendations to 'go there', 'see that', 'try this', or conversely 'don't' do any of the above may be proffered. Such in-the-know selves are an important symbolic resource in English sociable conversation for the proffering of a negative self. An nice example of an in-the-know self at conversational work takes place in the following episode. Excerpt 7.3'The Masons' The preceding talk in general has focused on religions, instigated by a discussion of Islamic versus Western influence of religion on everyday life I KP: It's like the Masons:: you know the masons=they don't (0.5) they don't call 2 the bible the bible they (. ) at every meeting they have=they've always got a 3 bible opened= 4 50 RP: =Right 6 KP: A (. ) standard bible (it's) 7 (1) 8 9 LP: KP: Everythin's supposed to be [done by [But they don't (. ) they don't call it the 201
- Page 159 and 160: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 161 and 162: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 163 and 164: detrimental effects foreigners are
- Page 165 and 166: 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52
- Page 167 and 168: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 169 and 170: 28 HB: but at the end of the day >1
- Page 171 and 172: approach, I hope to further illumin
- Page 173 and 174: 37 KJ: I never had any day to day (
- Page 175 and 176: 2 bevor (. ) die Schlange nicht zeh
- Page 177 and 178: ot non-ratifi cation and non-suppor
- Page 179 and 180: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 181 and 182: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 183 and 184: What happens in this particular exc
- Page 185 and 186: To reiterate, positive threshold br
- Page 187 and 188: 41 LIP: [IN FACT THERE WAs quite a
- Page 189 and 190: What happens here is that KIP proff
- Page 191 and 192: 17 KH: the road (1) >and if he want
- Page 193 and 194: 1 2 3 4 5 6 which a new set of indi
- Page 195 and 196: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 197 and 198: and English differences in conversa
- Page 199 and 200: Notes to Chapter 6 1 The only insta
- Page 201 and 202: study is a sociological one, and it
- Page 203 and 204: performer, a player, an image, a fi
- Page 205 and 206: English cultures respectively. In a
- Page 207 and 208: I will shortly illustrate how each
- Page 209: 18 KJ: [(Graphic drawin)= 19 LM: =O
- Page 213 and 214: documentaries to having witnessed r
- Page 215 and 216: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 is
- Page 217 and 218: Excerpt 7.6'Up a Hill' The sociable
- Page 219 and 220: RP&EP's mobilisation of an in-the-k
- Page 221 and 222: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 223 and 224: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 225 and 226: Excerpt 7.10 Was muss Mann machen?
- Page 227 and 228: Often, knowledgeable selves are ali
- Page 229 and 230: 7.4 Positive Selves I suggested ear
- Page 231 and 232: 27 RP: =get out of it= 28 LM: =. HH
- Page 233 and 234: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 235 and 236: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 is
- Page 237 and 238: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 239 and 240: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
- Page 241 and 242: of these selves at conversational w
- Page 243 and 244: develop the comparative focus, one
- Page 245 and 246: CHAPTER 8 ALIGNING SELVES IN THE AC
- Page 247 and 248: atification and support of unique,
- Page 249 and 250: Fig 8.2b The Individuated Selves (a
- Page 251 and 252: Excerpt 8.1 'Cookie's Party' I LM:
- Page 253 and 254: Beginning with the topic of convers
- Page 255 and 256: as re-invoking selves. The category
- Page 257 and 258: An interesting phenomenon which is
- Page 259 and 260: An additional consequence of alignm
The in-the-know self is a second symbolic entity <strong>of</strong>ten posited in English<br />
sociable conversation. This is somewhat different from what I shall shortly refer<br />
to as the knowledgeable self in German (see 7.3.2), in that the in-the-know self<br />
seems to be normatively based in some uniquely experienced event, or some<br />
other world to which conversational recipients are not (assumed to be) privy,<br />
rather than merely knowledge <strong>of</strong> a certain topic per se. For example, frequently<br />
in English sociable conversation, participants will recount some personal<br />
experience as a basis on which to prima facie inform or 'enlighten' their co-<br />
participants. Fellow conversational i sts will be told (and in and through their<br />
recipient actions will be expected to display they have been told) something<br />
they didn't know, were under a misguided impression about, or were generally<br />
'in the dark about'. Such in-the-know selves are <strong>of</strong>ten based in narrative but can<br />
also be mobilised during more objective discussion on a given topic. To give<br />
some concrete examples, a prime conversational environment for the<br />
successful mobilisation <strong>of</strong> in-the-know selves is that where some pending or<br />
possible contact with other worlds or experiences is being conveyed by one or<br />
the other <strong>of</strong> the co-present participants. Participants may seize such<br />
presentational opportunities to'<strong>of</strong>fer good advice' or'give tips' based on their<br />
own [still currently unique] experience. Conversationally, recommendations to<br />
'go there', 'see that', 'try this', or conversely 'don't' do any <strong>of</strong> the above may be<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>fered. Such in-the-know selves are an important symbolic resource in<br />
English sociable conversation for the pr<strong>of</strong>fering <strong>of</strong> a negative self. An nice<br />
example <strong>of</strong> an in-the-know self at conversational work takes place in the<br />
following episode.<br />
Excerpt 7.3'The Masons'<br />
The preceding talk in general has focused on religions, instigated by a discussion <strong>of</strong><br />
Islamic versus Western influence <strong>of</strong> religion on everyday life<br />
I KP: It's like the Masons:: you know the masons=they don't (0.5) they don't call<br />
2 the bible the bible they (. ) at every meeting they have=they've always got a<br />
3 bible opened=<br />
4<br />
50<br />
RP: =Right<br />
6 KP: A (. ) standard bible (it's)<br />
7 (1)<br />
8<br />
9<br />
LP:<br />
KP:<br />
Everythin's supposed to be [done by<br />
[But they don't (. ) they don't call it the 201
Change language