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demonstrated that, in and through for example narrative, the self could be invoked as a replayed figure, as some image of self not'here and now' but essentially 'there and then'. Further, by for example invoking a self belonging to some past reality, that self - or aspect of self - can become castigated, or cast off, or split away from (see Goffman 1967). Thus, the conversational self as image opens up a range of possibilities of how the person as player or performer can present or treat the person as image or character. Finally of course, as I noted in Chapter 1, the accommodative nature of situated interaction was fundamental to both the presentation and treatment of the self as player and as image. Of primary importance in Goffman's world was that the situation be preserved. In terms of facework specifically, I have of course referred to this throughout as the state of ritual equilibrium. Selves presenting and presented then should be of a normatively appropriate nature and of one which could be both 'carried off by any particular participant and supported by those co-present. This mutual state of affairs was fundamental to the centrality of the self to ritual equilibrium. In the following chapter I shall enter into the discussion and further analysis the second conceptualisation of the self fundamental to the approach taken in this study, one drawn from the notion of the self as construal, drawn upon in the discussion of cross-cultural variations in the concept of the self as a basis for differences in facework (see Chapter 1) - what I shall term the self as conversational construal (see Chapter 8). Here however I shall base my discussion and analysis around Goffman's conceptual isati on, grounded in the 'duel mandate' (Goffman 1967) of the self as sociable'player and as sociable 'image'. A seminal notion intrinsically connected to the concept of face, and by definition related to the self as player and image not mentioned above is that of positive social values. I am treating this briefly under a different heading due to its marked influence by cultural factors as opposed to the above conceptual i sati ons which should be read as essentially universal in nature. To recap, in Chapter 21 outlined a set of positive social values that various extant studies had identified as being associated with German and 194
English cultures respectively. In a nutshell, the Germans, it was suggested valued such things as being able to display one's knowledge in any given discussion, proffer a well thought out standpoint, necessarily defend conversational claims, closely monitor fellow interlocutors conversational contributions for possible errors, and in general conduct oneself with a certain demeanour. The English in their conversational orientation were posited as being guided by a different set of values, such as being able to treat fellow interlocutor with certain ritual care, avoid conflict, and display a degree of deferential support in their verbal interactions. Goffman' s notion of face was of course based in the idea of prevailing positive social values, recognised and oriented to by persons in their self-presentations and perceptions of others similar presentations (see Goffman 1967). One would expect then that prevailing positive social values would inform the conversational practices of participants in both cultures considered here. Specifically, one would expect the conversational selves as players'and images to reflect such prevailing cultural values. 7.2 Solidaric Selves and Idiomatic Identities: Positive and Negative Selves as Conversational Players and Images I stated in the previous chapter that conversation could be conceived of as operating along the lines of negative and positive conversational claims, these being made in and through predominant conversational styles. However, underlying this proffering and alignment at the level of conversation claims lay one at a more symbolic level, involving not the expression of claims, but the mobilisation of selves. Upon considering the conversational data, it became apparent that certain types of selves as conversational players and images were routinely and recurrently mobilised during sociable episodes in both cultures. Participants in talk were presenting and enacting recognisably sociable selves. 195
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demonstrated that, in and through for example narrative, the self could be<br />
invoked as a replayed figure, as some image <strong>of</strong> self not'here and now' but<br />
essentially 'there and then'. Further, by for example invoking a self belonging to<br />
some past reality, that self - or aspect <strong>of</strong> self - can become castigated, or cast<br />
<strong>of</strong>f, or split away from (see G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967). Thus, the conversational self as<br />
image opens up a range <strong>of</strong> possibilities <strong>of</strong> how the person as player or<br />
performer can present or treat the person as image or character. Finally <strong>of</strong><br />
course, as I noted in Chapter 1, the accommodative nature <strong>of</strong> situated<br />
interaction was fundamental to both the presentation and treatment <strong>of</strong> the self<br />
as player and as image. Of primary importance in G<strong>of</strong>fman's world was that the<br />
situation be preserved. In terms <strong>of</strong> facework specifically, I have <strong>of</strong> course<br />
referred to this throughout as the state <strong>of</strong> ritual equilibrium. Selves presenting<br />
and presented then should be <strong>of</strong> a normatively appropriate nature and <strong>of</strong> one<br />
which could be both 'carried <strong>of</strong>f by any particular participant and supported by<br />
those co-present. This mutual state <strong>of</strong> affairs was fundamental to the centrality<br />
<strong>of</strong> the self to ritual equilibrium.<br />
In the following chapter I shall enter into the discussion and further<br />
analysis the second conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> the self fundamental to the approach<br />
taken in this study, one drawn from the notion <strong>of</strong> the self as construal, drawn<br />
upon in the discussion <strong>of</strong> cross-cultural variations in the concept <strong>of</strong> the self as a<br />
basis for differences in facework (see Chapter 1) - what I shall term the self as<br />
conversational construal (see Chapter 8). Here however I shall base my<br />
discussion and analysis around G<strong>of</strong>fman's conceptual isati on, grounded in the<br />
'duel mandate' (G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967) <strong>of</strong> the self as sociable'player and as sociable<br />
'image'.<br />
A seminal notion intrinsically connected to the concept <strong>of</strong> face, and by<br />
definition related to the self as player and image not mentioned above is that <strong>of</strong><br />
positive social values. I am treating this briefly under a different heading due to<br />
its marked influence by cultural factors as opposed to the above<br />
conceptual i sati ons which should be read as essentially universal in nature.<br />
To recap, in Chapter 21 outlined a set <strong>of</strong> positive social values that<br />
various extant studies had identified as being associated with German and 194