Mughal Painting: A Challenge to the Islamic System of Ornament ...

Mughal Painting: A Challenge to the Islamic System of Ornament
Samantha Wisneski
Art History 291
Professor Nassim Rossi
05/17/11

Table of Contents
Introduction …………………………………………………………….. 2
The Establishment of the Mughal Court…………………………………3
The Evolution of Mughal Painting: Safavid Influence ………………….7
Local Tradition: Pre-Mughal Painting …………………………………..8
Early Stages of Mughal Painting ………………………………………10
Later Stages of Mughal Painting………………………………………..12
The Evolution of Mughal Painting: European Influence………………13
The Function of Mughal Painting……………………………………...14
Conclusion……………………………………………………………..16
Bibliography ………………………………………………………….17
Appendix……………………………………………………………....18
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Introduction
A common misconception about the genre of Islamic art is its disdain for figural
representation. Islamic art does, albeit, have aniconistic tendencies but it does not openly
condemn figural representation like many commonly believe, often citing suras of the Koran
(Allen 17). Islamic art contains several broad trends including a method for representing the
figural, however the three more common trends are: geometry, calligraphy, and vegetal
decoration. Islamic art, as a conventional system, is defined by several tendencies including “a
preference for stylization over naturalism, small forms over large, symmetry over asymmetry,
grace over strength, predictability over spontaneity, and hypotactic patterns over all other types”
(Trilling 86). In this tradition, however, there exists two great exceptions that border on forcing a
new definition of Islamic art—they are the Ottoman Turks and the Mughals. I will focus on the
Mughal court and specifically the style of painting that developed from the inception of the
empire to around 1620 when the emperor Jahangir described the style as perfect. James Trilling
asserts that “in ornament, Mughal artists usually handled the influx of new forms by re-shaping
them according to the unwritten rules of Islamic art: delicacy, symmetry and so forth.”
Ultimately, my goal is to show how the Mughals challenged this conventional system through
cross-cultural exchange and appropriation of local Indian traditions, and yet, how it still
maintains a distinctly Islamic character through its usage of ornament.
Though the name suggests a purely religious type, Islamic art can be divided into two types: the
religious and the secular. While the religious tends to be more non-representational with an
emphasis on geometric, vegetal, and calligraphic motifs, the secular contains a rich tradition of
manuscript illustration particularly in the Iranian context (Allen 17). Though an examination of
ornament is often prescribed to the portable arts and architecture, Islamic manuscript painting,
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too, exhibits a definite interest in ornament. The transferability of typical motifs such as the
arabesque and geometric patterns are extremely prevalent in the representation of architecture,
tile-work, and textile patterns within paintings. This excruciating interest in detail is highly
characteristic of Timurid and, later, Safavid painting, to the point where the narrative is often
subordinate to ornament, or rather, the “descriptive detail extends far beyond narrative necessity”
so that visual interest is evenly distributed over the entire surface of the work (Mughal and
Rajput 18). In relation to Mughal painting, the Safavid type will constantly be recalled for its
conventions. Over the scope of roughly 80 years, (1540-1620), Mughal painting fluctuates
between its usage of the Safavid or, more directly Islamic, conventions, and those conventions
appropriated through cross-cultural exchange and local tradition. Furthermore, this Iranian
influence isn’t merely a mimetic transfer of Timurid artistic tendencies, it is also, as it will
become apparent in my later discussion of the early stages of Mughal art, a direct attempt to
recall Timurid ancestry.
The Establishment of the Mughal Court
Babur (1526-1530)
The Mughal court of India was founded by a dynamic ruler called Babur who descended from a
family tree of conquerors. Through his mother’s lineage, he descended from Ghengis Khan and
Timur on his father’s side. Babur, a Muslim of the Sunni sect, began building his kingdom in
1498 with the takeover of Ferghana, which he soon lost to the Uzbeks. His first major victory
was the defeat of the Muslim Sultan of Delhi and eventually his takeover of Hindustan. Though
there was an Islamic dynastic presence before Babur, his court would endure the longest and
prove to be the most grandiose and extravagant in the history of India (Welch 10).
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Humayun (1530-1556)
Though no works of art have been ascribed to the regnal period of Babur, his interest in poetry
and prose seemingly suggested an enthusiasm for the arts. His son, Humayun, came to succeed
him in 1530 and demonstrated a similar fervor for the arts. A fickle and ill-equipped ruler,
Humayun, though at times a brilliant general, lacked his father’s skill as an emperor (Welch 13).
Humayun’s rule was characterized by the constant threat of both is brothers, Hindal Mirza and
Kamran, and the Afghans led by Sher Shah. In 1539 Humayun was driven out of Hindustan by
Sher Shah and forced to flee toward the Panjub where he was denied access by his brother, Mirza
Kamran, and left to wander for 2 years (Welch 14). Forced to leave his pregnant wife behind,
Humayun sought refuge at the Safavid court of Shah Tahmasp. Before his move to Iran, his wife
bore him a son and successor in 1542 who would eventually become Akbar the Great (Stronge
12). Humayun, with the support of the Shah, eventually regained Hindustan, thus resuming his
reign.
In 1556, after a reign of 25 years punctuated by a 10 year exile, Humayun, intoxicated, fell down
a flight of stairs in his library and died (Mughal and Rajput 21). For 17 days, his death was not
announced in order to allow his 13-year son, Akbar, to travel to the capital and assume his role as
emperor (Stronge 12).
Akbar the Great (1556-1605)
Along with the guidance of one of his father’s former generals, Bairam Khan, the teenaged
Akbar began to consolidate power across India – the state his father had left in shambles upon
his death. Even as a teenager, Akbar resented domination and was therefore spiteful of the power
Bairam Khan exerted over him in his improvisation of the throne. Akbar’s obstinacy was so
deep-seated that he remained illiterate throughout his life because he preferred hunting and
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wrestling to reading. Yet, according to an account given by his son, Jahangir, Akbar, despite his
inability to read or write, was:
always associated with the learned of every creed and religion…and so much became
clear to him through constant intercourse with the learned and the wise…that no one
knew him to be illiterate, and he was so well acquainted with the niceties of verse and
prose composition that this deficiency was not thought of (Welch 15).
Akbar’s “deficiency” was so well masked because of his deep interest in literary, scientific and
philosophical knowledge which he had read aloud to him. His library harbored many works of
this nature, and signified his massive wealth and power as he began to commission his own
illustrated manuscripts beginning in the 1560’s (Stronge 14). The relationship between Akbar
and Bairam Khan, inevitably, began to deteriorate. Akbar’s discontent led to him to make a
tactical decision to depose of the general; he sent Bairam Khan on a pilgrimage to Mecca where
he was killed en route by vengeful Afghans in Gujarat. The murder of Bairam Khan in 1561
signified the beginning of the emperor’s political maturity (Mughal and Rajput 33).
According to Jahangir, Akbar “associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion,
and he was gracious to all in accordance with their condition and understanding” (Welch 17).
Akbar’s religious tolerance would eventually manifest itself in several policies he enacted and in
his personal life. In 1563 he abolished the jizya, a poll tax on non-Muslims and when his
dominion over northern India increased and he acquired more territory, he encouraged the
marriages of defeated Rajput families to the Mughal families. After his own marriage to a Hindu
princess, the daughter of the Raja of Amber, Akbar had three sons between 1569 and 1572
(Mughal and Rajput 32-33).
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These moves were harshly criticized by Orthodox Muslim opinion – yet Akbar’s radical policies
would further be illustrated in his opinion of the arts (Stronge 14). His alignment with the Raja
and tolerance of Hindus eventually brought him closer to Rajputs (Hindu warriors) who were
more willing to serve his court. He would secure Rajput support by appointing them to high
positions and tempting them with Mughal power and the grandiosity of court life. Furthermore,
Akbar openly invited “men of ability” to his court, including poets, musicians, theologians, and
painters (Welch 18).
At odds with ultra-orthodox Muslim opinion was Akbar’s interest in painting which was
recorded by his friend Abu’l Fazl, “His Majesty, from his earliest youth, has shown a great
predilection for this art, and gives it every encouragement.” These words were also recorded:
There are many that hate painting; but such men I dislike. It appears to me as if a painter had a quite
peculiar means of recognizing God; for a painter in sketching anything that has life, and devising its limbs,
one after the other, must come to feel that he cannot bestow individuality upon his work, and is thus forced
to think of God, the giver of life, and will thus increase in knowledge (A’in, p. 115).
Abu’l Fazl later describes the emperor’s taste for prose which offers insight into his taste for
painting as well:
Most old authors who string out their words…and display a worn-out embroidery, give all their attention to
the ornamentation of words, and regard matter as subservient to them, and so exert themselves in a reverse
direction. They consider cadence and decorative style as the constituents of eloquence and think that prose
should be tricked out like the works of poets (Welch 19).
This interest in painting was well-established and seems inherited. Both Humayun and his
brother Kamran employed artists at their courts and there are surviving books that are attributed
to Akbar’s mother as well. Books, considered luxury objects given their scarcity, demonstrated
wealth and power. Akbar’s love for books, especially illustrated ones, is demonstrated in his
massive library which included books on subjects ranging from medicine to engineering and
astrology to comparative religions. There was, of course, a particular emphasis given to his own
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dynasty (Welch 19). Akbar, having been trained as a painter as a youth, was very involved in the
patronage of manuscripts and aware of the limitations, given his background. According to the
memoirs of Jahangir and an account by Abu’l Fazl, Akbar was evidently trained by Abd us-
Samad and Mir Sayyid Ali, the Tabriz court artists that accompanied Humayun back from the
court of Shah Tahmasp after his 10 year exile. It is suggested then, that Akbar’s training must
have bolstered his enthusiasm and regard for painting within his court (Stronge 15).
The last years of Akbar’s reign were plagued by the unruliness of his first-born, Prince Salim
(Jahangir). By 1600, Jahangir became governor of Allahabad, and, along with his army, marched
toward the capital, in rebellion of Akbar. There was no confrontation between Akbar and his son
– but later, Jahangir instigated the assassination of his father’s closest friend, Abu’l Fazl. Akbar
briefly considered passing the throne onto Danyal, Jahangir’s younger brother who suffered from
an addiction to alcohol, but in 1604, Danyal died. A year later, Akbar died – passing the title of
Mughal emperor onto Jahangir (Welch 23).
The Evolution of Mughal Painting: Safavid Influence
Humayun’s period of refuge at the Safavid courts of Iran would prove to be integral in the
development of the style of Mughal painting. Shah Tahmasp, in his earlier years, was a prolific
connoisseur of the arts. His rule brought the brilliant manuscript the Shahnama to fruition. The
Shahnama or “Book of Kings”(Figures 1-2) serves the function of recalling Persian history,
beginning, in fact, before Islam reached Persia and is renowned for its stunning pages. It’s
thought that the generosity of the Shah was influenced by a desire to attain an ally given the
encroaching Sunni empires of the Ottomans and the Uzbeks. Therefore, it’s likely that, in
exchange for support of a campaign to regain Hindustan, Humayun converted to the Shiah sect.
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Shah Tahmasp’s increasing orthodoxy left Safavid artists eager to join the court of Humayun as
the Shah began to invest in more “responsible” interests than the arts. As a result, on his quest to
recapture Qandahar, Humayun took with him several artists formerly the employ of the Safavid
court in 1548 (Welch 14).
Upon the recovery of Delhi, and once again the ruler of Hindustan, Humayun organized his
subjects into three classes. Among these classes was the “ahl-i-murad” or “those who aspire”
which came to include musicians and artists. Among “those who aspire” were the two Persian
masters, Mir Sayyid Ali and Abd us-Samad (Stronge 12). The choice of these two artists
corroborated an interest in naturalism that was expressed by Babur before his death, who
meticulously recorded descriptions of the flora and fauna he encountered in his memoirs. Mir
Sayyid Ali was known for his brilliant designs of the arabesque and his knack for designing
beautiful ornamental patterns while some of Abd us-Samad’s work survives as several of the
earliest examples of Mughal art (Welch 15). The Persian masters would later oversee the court
ateliers and enforce the Safavid conventions of manuscript painting. Some of the earliest Mughal
paintings (Figures 3-4) ascribed to Humayun are technically Mughal, but purely Safavid in their
execution (Early 23).
Local Tradition: Pre-Mughal Painting
Before the eleventh century, which marked the beginning of a Muslim presence in India, a rich
tradition of Buddhist, Hindu and Jain painting existed and was highly important to Indian
culture, where, it is cited in a 5 th century Kama Sutra, that “painting was an established and
expected social accomplishment.” Even before the Mughals, Indian paintings had been largely
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confined to paper and manuscripts as the Indian climate did not lend itself well to wall paintings.
(Mughal and Rajput 4).
The Muslim system of patronage changed the way in which local painters operated. The Muslim
psyche was also interested in illustrated copies of Persian texts, in an interest to recall their
ancestry. Therefore, Indian painters were faced with both a subject matter and a style unfamiliar
to them. Manuscripts were connotative of wealth and power, and patrons demanded high
craftsmanship executed with the finest of materials. This emphasis on the personal taste of a
patron was innovative in Indian painting, which otherwise, was commissioned for the general
taste of the community (Mughal and Rajput 5).
Mughal painting evolved from three sources generally speaking: Hindu, Jain, and Muslim
traditions. Of the Hindu type, according to Milo Cleveland Beach, is best represented by the
Bhagavata Purana illustrations of around 1540. He goes on to state a description that is highly
characteristic of Hindu painting of the time in relation to the painting Krishna Defeats the
Demon Whirlwind (Figure 5):
The architecture, tree, and figures are placed in compartmentalized units, bordered by solid lines and filled
with unmodulated, flat planes of strong color…There is no attempt at three-dimensional space , and there is
nothing extraneous to the defining elements of the narrative. All figures are in profile. They are strong,
angular snapes whose gestures are emphasized and easily read, and each figure is constructed according to
the same formula. We are dealing with types, not individualized depictions, and its execution is rough
(Mughal and Rajput 6).
The second style is typically referred to as Jain, or Western Indian. Jain painting very closely
reflects the Hindu type as is evidenced by a painting belonging to the Chaurapanchasika series.
The primary difference is the usage of color which tends to be muted. There is also an
established repertoire of stories within the Jain tradition which explains the repetitive nature of
many paintings. Again, the interest in this type of painting is strictly to convey narrative—and
very rarely is there anything extraneous represented (Mughal and Rajput 9).
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The third style is considered sultanate painting, or Islamic in origin. Mandu, located in Western
India, was the capital of a pre-Mughal sultanate where a royal manuscript titled Ni’matnama
(Book of Recipes) was produced. The style of the manuscript is most closely related to
contemporary Iranian painting. One particular painting, The Sultan Samples Milk Used for
Pastry, closely mirrors a similar Iranian painting Abu’l Mihjan and Sa’d ibn abi Wakkas before a
Ruler. Both include similar subject matters—a ruler surrounded by courtiers, and both possess a
similar emphasis on pattern and ornament. They are flat and densely patterned and display an
interest in architectural details and tile-work that is distinctly Islamic. Yet, the Ni’matnama
contains several inconsistencies that seem to be the result of an Indian painter attempting to echo
the Iranian style but lacking a comprehensive understanding (Mughal and Rajput 11).
Early Stages of Mughal Painting
The earliest manuscript ascribed to Akbar the Great, certainly the most prolific and influential of
the Mughal emperors, was the Tutinama. The Tutinama, or “Tale of the Parrot” is ostensibly told
by a parrot to its mistress who he entertains for 52 nights while the mistress’s husband is away.
The manuscript is rudimentary at best and lacks stylistic unity. Since Mughal painting was in its
formative stages during this period and the majority of the Mughal painters were in fact Hindu,
in some cases the manuscript displays pages that are near exact reflections of local traditions
(Early 15). One can directly observe the myriad of local schools in just a few examples of the
Tutinama. Many of the miniatures directly recall styles of Rajasthan, the Deccan, and Central
India (Welch 19). For instance, the Hindu tendency of representing figures in profile and
method of representing vegetation is highly evident in the Tutinama page The Merchant’s
Daughter Meets the Gardener (Figure 7). The female types, however, which are very similar to
those in Krishna Defeats the Demon Whirlwind (Figure 5), have clearly been adjusted to perhaps
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accommodate the Mughal interest in naturalism (Mughal and Rajput 22). This Tutinama page is
also directly comparable to this Rajput painting titled Nanda and the Elders (Figure 8). Iranian
influence is present in the rendering of mountains and cliff faces in the page titled The Third
Suitor Shoots the Wicked Fairy (Figure 9) while local sultanate influence is present in the page
titled The Devotee’s Daughter Restored to Life (Figure 10). The placement of the horizon line
and peculiar rendering of the tree is clearly a convention of the style represented in this Laur-
chanda page (Figure 11) (Mughal and Rajput 24-27).
The Tutinama is important in explaining the process by which the Mughal style became
conventionalized. It was clearly under deliberate and direct control that the style became known
as something entirely original and in the years following the production of the Tutinama, the
Hamzanama, a manuscript recounting the adventures of the prophet Muhammad’s uncle Hamza
and his efforts to convert the world to Islam, displays a more central control of the ateliers as the
pages become more uniform in appearance (Early 66).
The story is thought to have originated in eleventh century Iran and was extremely popular and
disseminated throughout Iran by story-tellers (Stronge 15). Since the manuscript included
fourteen volumes consisting of about one hundred illustrations per volume at the size of 20 x 27
inches, the Hamzanama occupied about fifty painters and one hundred total men for many years.
It is predicted that the making of the Hamzanama occupied artists from about 1562-77, an
estimation attributed to Pramod Chandra (Stronge 18)
The Hamzanama demonstrates a synthesis of Iranian and Indian styles. Some Iranian
characteristics include: the vertical format, a distinctively high viewpoint and lack of recession,
Chinese cloud motifs, and the representation of characters with their back toward the viewer – a
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view rarely present in Indian book painting but traced to Iranian sources. The use of saturated
color and dramatic enlargement of details appears more Indian in descent, however (Stronge 29-
30). Another intriguing feature of the Hamzanama is the importance of illustration to the
narrative. Allegedly, there would have been an illustration marking the beginning of every
volume which suggests that the paintings would have been integrally involved in the
understanding of the narrative. Furthermore, unlike the Iranian interest in evenly distributing
visual interest, there is a more clear, central episode featured in each painting (Mughal and
Rajput 28).
Despite a more uniform appearance than the Tutinama, there are still several features in the
Hamzanama that demonstrate the presence and importance of local traditions. The influence of
Hindu traditions pervades the Hamzanama. The same can be said of those trained in Western
Indian or Jain traditions. One particular feature that is Hindu and Jain in origin is the use of the
“projecting eye” most likely prescribed by the Chitrasutra which contained detailed
prescriptions for how to render the human eye depending upon the type of person (yogi, holy
man, or ordinary person). This convention would occasionally be featured on one character on a
page while the others appeared different since often times multiple artists were assigned to one
page (Stronge 32). At the same time, several paintings display a strong Timurid influence,
executed in a style related to Bokhara, perhaps in an attempt to recall Persian ancestry. The page
Anushirwan Sends His General to Battle the Turks (Figure 12) is a resoundingly strong example
of this as it displays a definite preoccupation with ornament and patterning particularly in the
tile-work of the courtyard (Early 66).
Later Stages of Mughal Painting
In the years following the Hamzanama, Akbar became disinterested in fantastical adventure
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stories and sought more meaningful projects (Mughal and Rajput 48). Around this time he was
very interested in resolving the rift between Hindus and Muslims—perhaps the greatest threat to
his empire. Despite his illiteracy, which was not uncommon for a Muslim ruler with court
scribes, Akbar had Hindu religious works translated into Persian to encourage acceptance of
Hindus and to mend the rift between the Muslims and Hindus of Mughal India (Mughal and
Rajput 25). He also commissioned a work on the first thousand years of Islam and, in an interest
to recall Timurid ancestry, he patronized the Timurnama in this 1580’s as well (Mughal and
Rajput 48). Furthermore, this interest in resolving Hindu-Muslim conflict was accompanied by a
genuine interest in theology that led Akbar to invite the Jesuits to theological discussions
(Stronge 110).
The Evolution of Mughal Painting: European Influence
Like his eclectic interests in theological matters, Akbar encouraged syncretism in the arts as well
(Coomaraswamy 2). This was around the same time the Mughal interest in portraiture began.
Akbar evidently was personally interested in portraiture which had no place in local Indian
tradition which was characterized by types – not individuals (Mughal and Rajput 29). Several of
the artists, notably Daswanth, developed a sense of spatial depth and a method of figural
modeling based solely on studying European prints (Mughal and Rajput 52).
Abu’l Fazl made it clear how important European influence was to the Mughals even as early as
chronicles of Humayun’s reign:
Such excellent artists have assembled here that a fine match has been created to the world-renowned
unique aaret of Bihzad (the greatest Timurid artist in Iran) and the magic-making of the Europeans.
Delicacy of work, clarity of line and boldness of execution, as well as other fine qualities have reached
perfection, and inanimate objects appear to have come alive. More than one hundred persons have reached
the status of a master and gained fame; and t hey are numerous who are near to reaching that state or are
half-way there (Mughal and Rajput 55).
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Akbar, and later Jahangir, deliberately appropriated European motifs and methods of
representation in order to create a distinctly Mughal paradigm of ornament.
Prince Salim, who would later assume the title Jahangir (the “World Seizer”), was deeply
involved in the patronage of manuscripts and paintings before his accession to the throne at the
age of 37. Like Akbar, Jahangir displayed a deep interest and curiosity in the religious art of the
Christians. He was entrenched in competition with his own father for the acquisition of Christian
paintings brought to Lahore by the Jesuits. Jahangir reportedly made the Portuguese painter, who
accompanied the Jesuits, copy the paintings belonging to his father. It’s thought that court artists
studied the technique and color of those paintings produced (Stronge 110-111). Especially in the
later years of Jahangir’s reign, when his health was ailing, two types of painting were produced
under him—allegorical accounts and those depicting him in a religious context (Kumar Das). In
the allegorical accounts especially, Jahangir is pictured triumphing over poverty (Figure 13) ,
standing on the globe embracing a fellow Muslim leader, Shah Abbas (Figure 14), and lastly,
perhaps the most infamous of his allegories—preferring a Sufi sheikh to other worldly political
leaders (Figure 15). All three of these paintings conspicuously feature very European motifs such
as the cherubs, the lion and lamb, and even the cartography pictured.
The Function of Mughal Painting
Though it is true that many paintings were at the whim of the emperor and for his personal
entertainment, many Mughal paintings, though very ornamental in style and lavish in their use of
high-quality materials, were highly functional. Since the process of bringing a painting to
fruition began with the patron, the patron had complete control of the message being
disseminated. As it should come as no surprise, both Akbar and Jahangir, the brilliant statesmen
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they were, utilized the painting as a political mechanism. Since Mughal painting was primarily
concerned with contemporary events, unlike their Safavid counterparts, many paintings served
quite a political purpose (Coomaraswamy 4).
Akbar especially used paintings and manuscripts as a vehicle to mend the multinational and
multi-religious communities of India. His patronage of several Hindu classics was in the interest
of bettering Hindu-Muslim relationships. A second, recurrent function of Akbar’s patronage of
paintings was to recall Timurid ancestry. Specifically, the patronage of the Timurama, is a
blatant example of this interest. The manuscript describes the history of Timur’s life and recalls
his descendents, ending with Akbar. Milo Cleveland Beach explains that “the legitimacy of that
emperor’s power, and his direct continuation of Timur’s accomplishments and heritage, could
not be more clearly stated, nor the political uses of artistic imagery more clearly understood”
(Mughal and Rajput 48). A third function of Mughal painting is found under the reign of
Jahangir. It is thought, while his health was failing, many paintings featuring Jahangir meeting
with various holy men were intended to emphasize his divine right to kingship. Many of his later,
allegorical paintings, which are revealed in his memoirs to have been based upon dreams,
contain very obvious, bold political statements—such as triumphing over poverty or preferring a
Sufi sheikh to the King of England (Kumar Das). However, more generally speaking, it appears,
especially in Akbar’s later years and the reign of Jahangir, the Mughals were highly competitive
with both the artistic traditions of Europe and Iran and thus sought to create a style that rivaled
both (Mughal and Rajput 55).
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Conclusion
In most general surveys of Islamic art, the Mughals are mentioned, if not in passing, then
extensively, despite the obvious challenge they pose to the general understanding of Islamic
ornament. They stand on the outliers of Islamic art given their affinity for the figural and an
apparent interest in theological syncretism, but they are still considered one of the greatest eras
of Islamic art. Though their artwork—specifically, their painting, is both at odds with ultra-
orthodox Islam and the general tendencies of the Islamic system of ornament, it is ultimately a
reexamination of Islamic ideals through cross-cultural exchange and appropriation of local
tradition. Though the paintings produced, notably under Jahangir, are technically sophisticated
and executed skillfully, they stop short of European naturalistic tendencies given a, some would
argue, Islamic, preoccupation with ornament and pattern in clothing and materials especially. As
any Persian ruler was expected to, the Mughals had lavish, grandiose libraries that boasted the
most expensive and elaborate manuscripts imaginable.
Ultimately, Mughal painting was a new paradigm of Islamic ornament which was the result of a
gradual, deliberate process of incorporating European and Iranian interests combined with the
presence rich local traditions of Indian painting. The result, in 1620, was a peculiar combination
of an Islamic affinity for ornament and pattern in clothing, textiles and weaponry, and a
European interest in volume and naturalism—often executed by a Hindu painter.
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Bibliography
Allen, Terry. "Aniconism and figural representation in Islamic art," in Five Essays on Islamic
Art, Solipsist Press, 1988, 17-37.
Cleveland, Milo, and Asia Society. Early Mughal Painting. Harvard University Press, 1987.
Print.
Cleveland, Milo. Mughal and Rajput Painting. Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992. Print
Coomaraswamy, A.K. “Mughal Painting (Akbar and Jahangir).” Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin,
Vol. 16, No. 93 (Feb., 1918), pp. 2-8.
Kumar Das, Asok. “Jahangir Period.” Oxford Art Online.
Stronge, Susan. Painting for the Mughal Emperor: the art of the book, 1560-1660. Victoria &
Albert Museum, 2002. Print
Trilling, James. Language of Ornament. Thames & Hudson, London. 2001. Print.
Welch, Stuart Cary. Imperial Mughal Painting. George Braziller, 1978. Print
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Appendix
Figure 1 Page from the Shahnama (Book of Kings) commissioned by Shah Tahmasp, 1520-1540
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Figure 2 Page from the Shahnama (Book of Kings) commissioned by Shah Tahmasp, 1520-1540
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Figure 3 Mir Sayyid Ali, Humayun’s Garden Party 1550-55
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Figure 4 Humayun and his brothers in a landscape, attributed to Dust Muhammad 1550
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Figure 5 Krishna Defeats the Demon Whirlwind 1525-40
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Figure 6 Bilhana Makes Love with Champavarti, Chaurapanchasika series 1550
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Figure 7 The Merchant’s Daughter Meets the Gardener, 1556-60
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Figure 8 Nanda and the Elders, 1540
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Figure 9 The Third Suitor Shoots the Wicked Fairy, from the Tutinama,1556-1560
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Figure 10 The Devotee’s Daughter Restored to Life, from the Tutinama 1560
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Figure 11 Chandra Fanning Laur on the Battlefield, from a Laur-chanda manuscript, Sultanate, 1500
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Figure 12 Anushirwan Sends His General to Battle the Turks, From a Hamza-nama manuscript, 1562-65
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Figure 13 Emperor Jahangir Triumphing Over Poverty, Abu’l Hasan, 1620-25
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Figure 14 Jahangir’s Dream, 1618-22
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Figure 15 Jahangir Enthroned on an Hourglass, Bichitr, 1625
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