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Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler

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116 D. CHANDLER<br />

Box 7.2 Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt on<br />

<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />

Hannah Arendt on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />

. . . the public sphere is as consistently based on the law<br />

<strong>of</strong> equality as the private sphere is based on the law<br />

<strong>of</strong> universal difference and differentiation. Equality, in<br />

contrast to all that is involved in mere existence, is not<br />

given us, but is the result <strong>of</strong> human organization ins<strong>of</strong>ar<br />

as it is guided by the principle <strong>of</strong> justice. We are not born<br />

equal; we become equal as members <strong>of</strong> a group on the<br />

strength <strong>of</strong> our decision to guarantee ourselves mutually<br />

equal rights. (Arendt, 1973, p. 301.)<br />

Carl Schmitt on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />

<strong>Human</strong>ity as such cannot wage war because it has no<br />

enemy, at least not on this planet. . . . When a state<br />

fi ghts its political enemy in the name <strong>of</strong> humanity, it is<br />

not a war for the sake <strong>of</strong> humanity, but a war wherein a<br />

particular state seeks to usurp a universal concept against<br />

a military opponent. . . . The concept <strong>of</strong> humanity is an<br />

especially useful ideological instrument <strong>of</strong> imperialist<br />

expansion, and in its ethical-humanitarian form it is<br />

a specifi c vehicle <strong>of</strong> economic imperialism. Here one<br />

is reminded <strong>of</strong> a somewhat modifi ed expression <strong>of</strong><br />

Proudhon’s: whoever invokes humanity wants to<br />

cheat. To confi scate the word humanity, to invoke<br />

and monopolize such a term probably has certain<br />

incalculable effects, such as denying the enemy the<br />

quality <strong>of</strong> being human and declaring him to be an<br />

outlaw <strong>of</strong> humanity; and a war can thereby be driven to<br />

the most extreme inhumanity. (Schmitt, 1996, p. 54.)<br />

fore an arbitrary one. Arendt argues that it may result<br />

in ‘privileges in some cases, injustices in most’ because<br />

‘blessings and doom are meted out to them [bearers <strong>of</strong><br />

human rights] according to accident and without any<br />

relation whatsoever to what they do, did, or may do.’<br />

(Arendt, 1973, p. 296.)<br />

For Arendt, human rights frameworks, in separating<br />

the rights bearer from the agent capable <strong>of</strong> enacting<br />

these rights, legitimize a framework that is in fact worse<br />

than that suggested by Bentham’s view <strong>of</strong> pious wishes<br />

and utopian dreaming. Arendt suggests that a fi eld <strong>of</strong><br />

fi ctitious ‘rights’ is opened up that is inherently open to<br />

abuse and arbitrary interpretation and enforcement.<br />

Carl Schmitt, a German legal and political theorist,<br />

writing at the same time as Arendt, was also critical <strong>of</strong><br />

the idea <strong>of</strong> universal human rights. Schmitt approached<br />

the subject from the opposite end <strong>of</strong> the spectrum (not<br />

from the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> the human rights subject—the<br />

individual claiming human rights—but that <strong>of</strong> the external<br />

actor deemed to be responsible for enforcing human<br />

rights). He argued that claiming to intervene militarily<br />

on behalf <strong>of</strong> universal human rights was an act <strong>of</strong> power<br />

rather than principle, stating famously that ‘whoever<br />

invokes humanity wants to cheat’ (see Box 7.2).<br />

Schmitt makes similar points to Arendt in arguing<br />

that the concepts <strong>of</strong> ‘humanity’ and <strong>of</strong> ‘human rights’<br />

are empty abstractions, i.e. that they do not correspond<br />

to any political reality <strong>of</strong> constituted rights and duties.<br />

Schmitt argues that the concept <strong>of</strong> human rights may<br />

well have had a useful polemical appeal at the end <strong>of</strong><br />

the eighteenth century as a rallying cry against the then<br />

existing aristocratic feudal system and the inequalities<br />

and privileges associated with it. However, this did<br />

not mean that the era <strong>of</strong> universal human rights had<br />

arrived. Th e fact that the world is divided into diff erent<br />

and distinct political societies or states means that universal<br />

rights-bearing individuals do not exist. If they<br />

did exist then we would have a universal government,<br />

giving political and legal form to those universal rights<br />

(Schmitt, 1996, p. 55).<br />

For Schmitt, in the absence <strong>of</strong> a unifi ed world government<br />

that could constitute the universal human being as<br />

a rights-bearing subject in reality, human rights claims<br />

will have no clear court <strong>of</strong> adjudication or mechanism<br />

<strong>of</strong> enforcement. Schmitt argued that humanitarian<br />

action could be unproblematic if it was based on<br />

inter-state agreement and administered through a nonpolitical<br />

body, such as the International Committee <strong>of</strong><br />

the Red Cross (ICRC). His point was that if abstract<br />

human rights claims were set against the agreed constituted<br />

rights framework then they threatened confl ict<br />

and instability. Th is was because the subject <strong>of</strong> these<br />

claims was separate from the agency enforcing them.<br />

Th e enforcement <strong>of</strong> claims <strong>of</strong> non-socially constituted<br />

legal subjects is necessarily an arbitrary one, decided<br />

by questions <strong>of</strong> power rather than principle. Schmitt<br />

feared that universal claims to judge the needs or interests<br />

<strong>of</strong> ‘humanity’ were not just illegitimate acts <strong>of</strong><br />

power rather than law per se, but that they were also<br />

dangerous and destabilizing in a politically divided<br />

world (Schmitt, 1996, pp. 53–58).<br />

The Paradox <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />

Th e points made by Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt<br />

get to the heart <strong>of</strong> the paradox <strong>of</strong> human rights. Th eir<br />

capacity for challenging power as well as for being<br />

08-goodhart-chap07.indd 116 12/9/08 3:05:55 PM

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