Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
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116 D. CHANDLER<br />
Box 7.2 Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt on<br />
<strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Hannah Arendt on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
. . . the public sphere is as consistently based on the law<br />
<strong>of</strong> equality as the private sphere is based on the law<br />
<strong>of</strong> universal difference and differentiation. Equality, in<br />
contrast to all that is involved in mere existence, is not<br />
given us, but is the result <strong>of</strong> human organization ins<strong>of</strong>ar<br />
as it is guided by the principle <strong>of</strong> justice. We are not born<br />
equal; we become equal as members <strong>of</strong> a group on the<br />
strength <strong>of</strong> our decision to guarantee ourselves mutually<br />
equal rights. (Arendt, 1973, p. 301.)<br />
Carl Schmitt on <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
<strong>Human</strong>ity as such cannot wage war because it has no<br />
enemy, at least not on this planet. . . . When a state<br />
fi ghts its political enemy in the name <strong>of</strong> humanity, it is<br />
not a war for the sake <strong>of</strong> humanity, but a war wherein a<br />
particular state seeks to usurp a universal concept against<br />
a military opponent. . . . The concept <strong>of</strong> humanity is an<br />
especially useful ideological instrument <strong>of</strong> imperialist<br />
expansion, and in its ethical-humanitarian form it is<br />
a specifi c vehicle <strong>of</strong> economic imperialism. Here one<br />
is reminded <strong>of</strong> a somewhat modifi ed expression <strong>of</strong><br />
Proudhon’s: whoever invokes humanity wants to<br />
cheat. To confi scate the word humanity, to invoke<br />
and monopolize such a term probably has certain<br />
incalculable effects, such as denying the enemy the<br />
quality <strong>of</strong> being human and declaring him to be an<br />
outlaw <strong>of</strong> humanity; and a war can thereby be driven to<br />
the most extreme inhumanity. (Schmitt, 1996, p. 54.)<br />
fore an arbitrary one. Arendt argues that it may result<br />
in ‘privileges in some cases, injustices in most’ because<br />
‘blessings and doom are meted out to them [bearers <strong>of</strong><br />
human rights] according to accident and without any<br />
relation whatsoever to what they do, did, or may do.’<br />
(Arendt, 1973, p. 296.)<br />
For Arendt, human rights frameworks, in separating<br />
the rights bearer from the agent capable <strong>of</strong> enacting<br />
these rights, legitimize a framework that is in fact worse<br />
than that suggested by Bentham’s view <strong>of</strong> pious wishes<br />
and utopian dreaming. Arendt suggests that a fi eld <strong>of</strong><br />
fi ctitious ‘rights’ is opened up that is inherently open to<br />
abuse and arbitrary interpretation and enforcement.<br />
Carl Schmitt, a German legal and political theorist,<br />
writing at the same time as Arendt, was also critical <strong>of</strong><br />
the idea <strong>of</strong> universal human rights. Schmitt approached<br />
the subject from the opposite end <strong>of</strong> the spectrum (not<br />
from the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> the human rights subject—the<br />
individual claiming human rights—but that <strong>of</strong> the external<br />
actor deemed to be responsible for enforcing human<br />
rights). He argued that claiming to intervene militarily<br />
on behalf <strong>of</strong> universal human rights was an act <strong>of</strong> power<br />
rather than principle, stating famously that ‘whoever<br />
invokes humanity wants to cheat’ (see Box 7.2).<br />
Schmitt makes similar points to Arendt in arguing<br />
that the concepts <strong>of</strong> ‘humanity’ and <strong>of</strong> ‘human rights’<br />
are empty abstractions, i.e. that they do not correspond<br />
to any political reality <strong>of</strong> constituted rights and duties.<br />
Schmitt argues that the concept <strong>of</strong> human rights may<br />
well have had a useful polemical appeal at the end <strong>of</strong><br />
the eighteenth century as a rallying cry against the then<br />
existing aristocratic feudal system and the inequalities<br />
and privileges associated with it. However, this did<br />
not mean that the era <strong>of</strong> universal human rights had<br />
arrived. Th e fact that the world is divided into diff erent<br />
and distinct political societies or states means that universal<br />
rights-bearing individuals do not exist. If they<br />
did exist then we would have a universal government,<br />
giving political and legal form to those universal rights<br />
(Schmitt, 1996, p. 55).<br />
For Schmitt, in the absence <strong>of</strong> a unifi ed world government<br />
that could constitute the universal human being as<br />
a rights-bearing subject in reality, human rights claims<br />
will have no clear court <strong>of</strong> adjudication or mechanism<br />
<strong>of</strong> enforcement. Schmitt argued that humanitarian<br />
action could be unproblematic if it was based on<br />
inter-state agreement and administered through a nonpolitical<br />
body, such as the International Committee <strong>of</strong><br />
the Red Cross (ICRC). His point was that if abstract<br />
human rights claims were set against the agreed constituted<br />
rights framework then they threatened confl ict<br />
and instability. Th is was because the subject <strong>of</strong> these<br />
claims was separate from the agency enforcing them.<br />
Th e enforcement <strong>of</strong> claims <strong>of</strong> non-socially constituted<br />
legal subjects is necessarily an arbitrary one, decided<br />
by questions <strong>of</strong> power rather than principle. Schmitt<br />
feared that universal claims to judge the needs or interests<br />
<strong>of</strong> ‘humanity’ were not just illegitimate acts <strong>of</strong><br />
power rather than law per se, but that they were also<br />
dangerous and destabilizing in a politically divided<br />
world (Schmitt, 1996, pp. 53–58).<br />
The Paradox <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Rights</strong><br />
Th e points made by Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt<br />
get to the heart <strong>of</strong> the paradox <strong>of</strong> human rights. Th eir<br />
capacity for challenging power as well as for being<br />
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