Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler
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114 D. CHANDLER<br />
Introduction<br />
Many commentators have observed the fact that<br />
human rights frameworks have become an integral<br />
part <strong>of</strong> a new, more hierarchical, international order,<br />
undermining UN Charter restrictions on the use <strong>of</strong><br />
military force and justifying new, more coercive forms<br />
<strong>of</strong> international regulation and intervention in the<br />
post-colonial world. To view these consequences <strong>of</strong><br />
human rights claims and discourses as the ideological<br />
‘misuse’ or ‘abuse’ <strong>of</strong> human rights would already be to<br />
approach the question <strong>of</strong> understanding human rights<br />
with a certain set <strong>of</strong> assumptions. Th ese assumptions<br />
would be based upon an idea that human rights claims<br />
necessarily challenge entrenched power relations and<br />
are an important mechanism <strong>of</strong> advocacy on behalf <strong>of</strong><br />
the victims <strong>of</strong> abuses or those excluded from traditional<br />
frameworks <strong>of</strong> representation. Th is chapter will suggest<br />
that these prior assumptions, <strong>of</strong> the ‘purity’ <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights claims and <strong>of</strong> their ‘abuse’ by powerful actors, are<br />
themselves problematic.<br />
<strong>Human</strong> rights claims can not in themselves be<br />
accurately seen as either enforcing or challenging the<br />
existing relations <strong>of</strong> power. Th e one thing that can be<br />
asserted with confi dence is that human rights claims<br />
confl ate an ethical or moral claim with a legal and political<br />
one. Th e discourse <strong>of</strong> the ‘human’ belongs to the<br />
sphere <strong>of</strong> abstract universal ethics, while that <strong>of</strong> ‘rights’<br />
belongs to the framework <strong>of</strong> a concretely constituted<br />
legal and political sphere. In confl ating the two spheres,<br />
human rights claims pose a challenge to rights as they<br />
are legally constituted. Th e content <strong>of</strong> this challenge,<br />
whether it has any consequences, and, if it does have<br />
consequences what these consequences are, are matters<br />
for concrete analysis. To suggest that any challenge to<br />
the framework <strong>of</strong> legally constituted rights is necessarily<br />
an eff ective one, or necessarily a good or progressive<br />
one, would clearly be naive.<br />
In fact, it was the challenge <strong>of</strong> naivety that was<br />
famously articulated by Jeremy Bentham, the utilitarian<br />
philosopher, when he denounced the idea <strong>of</strong> human<br />
rights as ‘nonsense on stilts’ (see Chapter 1). He had<br />
nothing but contempt for the new-fangled universal<br />
‘rights <strong>of</strong> man’ proclaimed at the end <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century. For Bentham, rights meant nothing unless they<br />
were enforceable with clear contractual obligations and<br />
backed by law. Declarations <strong>of</strong> the ‘rights <strong>of</strong> man’ were<br />
no more than rhetorical fancies and collections <strong>of</strong> pious<br />
wishes that were not worth the paper they were written<br />
on. Th e idea that we were born with universal equal<br />
rights simply because we were human made no sense<br />
to Bentham. Firstly, we are born into a relationship <strong>of</strong><br />
dependency rather than equality, and are not considered<br />
as moral or legal equals until we reach maturity<br />
(children are not born with criminal liability as they<br />
are not responsible for their actions). Secondly, it was<br />
clear that there could be no universal human equality:<br />
the opportunities we have depend fundamentally on<br />
the societies we live in and our position within those<br />
societies.<br />
However, few people would have the confi dence to<br />
argue in Bentham’s dismissive terms today. It would<br />
appear to be undeniable that our understandings <strong>of</strong><br />
and respect for human rights are central to the way we<br />
and our governments make policy and act in international<br />
aff airs. Yet, despite today’s consensus on the fact<br />
that ‘human rights are a good thing’, there is still the<br />
nagging sense that Bentham may have a point, that<br />
human rights may sound very nice on paper but be<br />
much more ephemeral when it comes to giving these<br />
aspirations meaning and content, and that, nice as these<br />
claims sound, they may be open to abuse.<br />
Claims to anything can be abused and all claims to<br />
rights can be misused. However, it is vital to appreciate<br />
that it is inherent within human rights claims that<br />
they are more open to abuse or misuse than other<br />
claims, those <strong>of</strong> democratic and civil rights for example.<br />
Th e reason for this, in the words <strong>of</strong> Norman Lewis, is<br />
quite simply because human rights are not derived from<br />
‘socially constituted legal subjects’ (Lewis, 1998, p. 85).<br />
Where Bentham saw abstract rights claims as merely<br />
childish or superstitious thinking, much as the ‘belief<br />
in witches or unicorns’; their abstract nature—the fact<br />
that they can refl ect radical and progressive aspirations<br />
rather than merely legally enshrined rights—is held to be<br />
a major factor in their use and support across the globe.<br />
Th is chapter is tasked with focusing on the downside<br />
<strong>of</strong> human rights claims—what is commonly understood<br />
by advocates <strong>of</strong> human rights to be the ‘misuse’ or<br />
‘abuse’ <strong>of</strong> human rights. It will be demonstrated that the<br />
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