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Ideological (Mis)Use of Human Rights - David Chandler

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114 D. CHANDLER<br />

Introduction<br />

Many commentators have observed the fact that<br />

human rights frameworks have become an integral<br />

part <strong>of</strong> a new, more hierarchical, international order,<br />

undermining UN Charter restrictions on the use <strong>of</strong><br />

military force and justifying new, more coercive forms<br />

<strong>of</strong> international regulation and intervention in the<br />

post-colonial world. To view these consequences <strong>of</strong><br />

human rights claims and discourses as the ideological<br />

‘misuse’ or ‘abuse’ <strong>of</strong> human rights would already be to<br />

approach the question <strong>of</strong> understanding human rights<br />

with a certain set <strong>of</strong> assumptions. Th ese assumptions<br />

would be based upon an idea that human rights claims<br />

necessarily challenge entrenched power relations and<br />

are an important mechanism <strong>of</strong> advocacy on behalf <strong>of</strong><br />

the victims <strong>of</strong> abuses or those excluded from traditional<br />

frameworks <strong>of</strong> representation. Th is chapter will suggest<br />

that these prior assumptions, <strong>of</strong> the ‘purity’ <strong>of</strong> human<br />

rights claims and <strong>of</strong> their ‘abuse’ by powerful actors, are<br />

themselves problematic.<br />

<strong>Human</strong> rights claims can not in themselves be<br />

accurately seen as either enforcing or challenging the<br />

existing relations <strong>of</strong> power. Th e one thing that can be<br />

asserted with confi dence is that human rights claims<br />

confl ate an ethical or moral claim with a legal and political<br />

one. Th e discourse <strong>of</strong> the ‘human’ belongs to the<br />

sphere <strong>of</strong> abstract universal ethics, while that <strong>of</strong> ‘rights’<br />

belongs to the framework <strong>of</strong> a concretely constituted<br />

legal and political sphere. In confl ating the two spheres,<br />

human rights claims pose a challenge to rights as they<br />

are legally constituted. Th e content <strong>of</strong> this challenge,<br />

whether it has any consequences, and, if it does have<br />

consequences what these consequences are, are matters<br />

for concrete analysis. To suggest that any challenge to<br />

the framework <strong>of</strong> legally constituted rights is necessarily<br />

an eff ective one, or necessarily a good or progressive<br />

one, would clearly be naive.<br />

In fact, it was the challenge <strong>of</strong> naivety that was<br />

famously articulated by Jeremy Bentham, the utilitarian<br />

philosopher, when he denounced the idea <strong>of</strong> human<br />

rights as ‘nonsense on stilts’ (see Chapter 1). He had<br />

nothing but contempt for the new-fangled universal<br />

‘rights <strong>of</strong> man’ proclaimed at the end <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />

century. For Bentham, rights meant nothing unless they<br />

were enforceable with clear contractual obligations and<br />

backed by law. Declarations <strong>of</strong> the ‘rights <strong>of</strong> man’ were<br />

no more than rhetorical fancies and collections <strong>of</strong> pious<br />

wishes that were not worth the paper they were written<br />

on. Th e idea that we were born with universal equal<br />

rights simply because we were human made no sense<br />

to Bentham. Firstly, we are born into a relationship <strong>of</strong><br />

dependency rather than equality, and are not considered<br />

as moral or legal equals until we reach maturity<br />

(children are not born with criminal liability as they<br />

are not responsible for their actions). Secondly, it was<br />

clear that there could be no universal human equality:<br />

the opportunities we have depend fundamentally on<br />

the societies we live in and our position within those<br />

societies.<br />

However, few people would have the confi dence to<br />

argue in Bentham’s dismissive terms today. It would<br />

appear to be undeniable that our understandings <strong>of</strong><br />

and respect for human rights are central to the way we<br />

and our governments make policy and act in international<br />

aff airs. Yet, despite today’s consensus on the fact<br />

that ‘human rights are a good thing’, there is still the<br />

nagging sense that Bentham may have a point, that<br />

human rights may sound very nice on paper but be<br />

much more ephemeral when it comes to giving these<br />

aspirations meaning and content, and that, nice as these<br />

claims sound, they may be open to abuse.<br />

Claims to anything can be abused and all claims to<br />

rights can be misused. However, it is vital to appreciate<br />

that it is inherent within human rights claims that<br />

they are more open to abuse or misuse than other<br />

claims, those <strong>of</strong> democratic and civil rights for example.<br />

Th e reason for this, in the words <strong>of</strong> Norman Lewis, is<br />

quite simply because human rights are not derived from<br />

‘socially constituted legal subjects’ (Lewis, 1998, p. 85).<br />

Where Bentham saw abstract rights claims as merely<br />

childish or superstitious thinking, much as the ‘belief<br />

in witches or unicorns’; their abstract nature—the fact<br />

that they can refl ect radical and progressive aspirations<br />

rather than merely legally enshrined rights—is held to be<br />

a major factor in their use and support across the globe.<br />

Th is chapter is tasked with focusing on the downside<br />

<strong>of</strong> human rights claims—what is commonly understood<br />

by advocates <strong>of</strong> human rights to be the ‘misuse’ or<br />

‘abuse’ <strong>of</strong> human rights. It will be demonstrated that the<br />

08-goodhart-chap07.indd 114 12/9/08 3:05:54 PM

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