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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Death</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> —<br />

<strong>The</strong> myth <strong>of</strong> the unholy city is now two centuries old, kept alive by<br />

historians and sociologists quoting the ‘evidence’ <strong>of</strong> its originators: Thomas<br />

Chalmers, Horace Mann, and every statistic and clerical exclamation <strong>of</strong> irreligious<br />

slums. <strong>The</strong> story told by academics in the second half <strong>of</strong> the<br />

twentieth century has been the same story as that told by clergymen in the<br />

1810s and 1820s. <strong>The</strong> present becomes blurred with the industrial past in<br />

a way which leaves understanding <strong>of</strong> contemporary religious decline entangled<br />

with understanding <strong>of</strong> past religious decline. Secularisation theory<br />

removes any need to ask why religion is declining now – at the start <strong>of</strong><br />

the third millennium – because it all started so long ago in the milltowns<br />

<strong>of</strong> industrial Lancashire and Lanarkshire. Our secularisation in the 2000s<br />

is the same secularisation <strong>of</strong> the 1920s or the 1880s or the 1810s – declining<br />

churches, alienated working classes, residual religiosity amongst the<br />

respectable middle classes. <strong>The</strong> textbooks and research papers are empty <strong>of</strong><br />

reasons, only seeking to decipher what has been happening. Secularisation<br />

theory demands no new reasons for the halving <strong>of</strong> church affiliation in<br />

the last forty years, and sociologists and contemporary historians will not<br />

<strong>of</strong>fer you anything fundamentally new. 75 Our modernisation is the same<br />

modernisation as <strong>of</strong> old – increasing technology, urban anomie and privatisation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the individual, decreasing shared values, communality and<br />

community. <strong>The</strong> world we have lost, the pre-industrial world, was the last<br />

truly religious age. <strong>The</strong> world we have today is the same as that found by<br />

Thomas Chalmers in the slums <strong>of</strong> central Glasgow in 1815.<br />

ENVISIONING RELIGION<br />

This book argues that the world <strong>of</strong> 2000 is not the world <strong>of</strong> 1815. Even<br />

the world <strong>of</strong> 1950 is not the same as now. What has happened to popular<br />

religiosity since 1950 has been very different to what happened in the<br />

previous century and a half. It is in my lifetime that the people have<br />

forsaken formal <strong>Christian</strong> religion, and the churches have entered seemingly<br />

terminal decline. It matters that we understand why.<br />

Secularisation theory is now a narrative in crisis. 76 It is in crisis partly<br />

because it pr<strong>of</strong>esses to be a ‘scientific’ or ‘social-scientific’ account <strong>of</strong> the<br />

decline <strong>of</strong> religion, gauged by ‘objective measures’ which it itself has set.<br />

It defines ‘the rules <strong>of</strong> its own game’, and they must be challenged. At the<br />

heart <strong>of</strong> the game are its rules about what religion is. <strong>The</strong>se rules were<br />

drawn up in the nineteenth century by society itself, the rules which defined<br />

what it was to be ‘religious’ and what it was to be ‘irreligious’. Those rules<br />

were not ‘neutral’; they were loaded, ‘social-scientific’ definitions. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

were rules developed by men (sometimes women) who counted themselves<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the birth <strong>of</strong> social science itself. Men like Thomas Chalmers developed<br />

a social science in the conscious wake <strong>of</strong> those Enlightenment thinkers<br />

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