The Death of Christian Britain
The Death of Christian Britain
The Death of Christian Britain
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— <strong>The</strong> Problem with ‘Religious Decline’ —<br />
From the emergence <strong>of</strong> the industrial towns in the eighteenth century,<br />
the working class, the labouring poor, the common people, as a class,<br />
substantially, as adults, have been outside the churches. <strong>The</strong> industrial<br />
working class culture pattern has evolved lacking a tradition <strong>of</strong><br />
practice <strong>of</strong> religion. 55<br />
With Wickham, the theory <strong>of</strong> secularisation turned Thomas Chalmers’<br />
fears, his statistical methodology and his discourses into an entire academic<br />
discipline relying on Chalmers and his clerical ilk as the ‘sources’ to ‘prove’<br />
the theory. Wickham, like many who followed him, relied on church<br />
sermons and clergy’s social commentary to identify the working-class<br />
haemorrhage from the nineteenth-century churches:<br />
Hitherto [before 1830] the general alienation <strong>of</strong> this class from the<br />
churches has been a matter <strong>of</strong> deduction from circumstantial evidence,<br />
but in the ’thirties and ’forties there is forthright evidence to support<br />
the desertion; it is middle-class comment, literate comment, but its<br />
objective accuracy need not be questioned. 56<br />
This reliance on ‘middle-class comment’ became a hallmark <strong>of</strong> much scholarship<br />
on secularisation theory in the 1960s and 1970s. K.S. Inglis in 1963<br />
rejected a priori that ‘the typical late-Victorian working man went to public<br />
worship for part <strong>of</strong> his life and then stopped’, and equally rejected the<br />
notion <strong>of</strong> ‘his early-Victorian father or Georgian grandfather worshipping<br />
for a time and then staying away’. Instead, Inglis returned to a purist<br />
Chalmerian view <strong>of</strong> modern British religiosity, arguing that ‘the social historian<br />
<strong>of</strong> religion in modern England could find a worse guide than the<br />
clergyman who remarked in 1896: “It is not that the Church <strong>of</strong> God has<br />
lost the great towns; it has never had them.”’ 57 Completing the circularity,<br />
the man Inglis was quoting, A.F. Winnington-Ingram, cited Chalmers as a<br />
prominent source. 58<br />
From this point, the clerical myth <strong>of</strong> the unholy city, and <strong>of</strong> the irreligious<br />
working classes in particular, was cemented into modern scholarship.<br />
It more especially re-entered general history books as historians used<br />
Victorian clerics as sources. G. Kitson Clark in 1962 discussed how evangelists<br />
sought ‘to penetrate to the savagery and ignorance <strong>of</strong> the neglected<br />
and indifferent’. In 1973 John Kent wrote that ‘in the years 1815–48, when<br />
the new cities were at their most chaotic, it had looked as though workingclass<br />
<strong>Christian</strong>ity would vanish’, whilst David Mole wrote that the majority<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Birmingham working classes were ‘lost to organized religion, and<br />
were scarcely or never seen in the churches or chapels, for whom they<br />
formed a vast and increasing mission field’. 59 John Kent repeatedly returned<br />
to the theme <strong>of</strong> an alienated working class, arguing in 1978 that revivalism<br />
left them largely untouched. 60 Many historians from the 1950s to<br />
the 1980s came to uncritically believe Victorian church sources on the<br />
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