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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> 1960s and Secularisation —<br />

THE DEMISE OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION<br />

<strong>The</strong> statistics <strong>of</strong> British secularisation show by all indicators that the greatest<br />

gradient <strong>of</strong> decline <strong>of</strong> formal <strong>Christian</strong> religiosity occurred after 1958.<br />

Moreover, for the majority <strong>of</strong> the indicators, the greatest absolute and<br />

proportionate losses <strong>of</strong> the British people to organised religion occurred<br />

after that date.<br />

We saw in Chapter 7 that <strong>Christian</strong> church connection grew per head<br />

<strong>of</strong> population down to the first decade <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century, and<br />

between 1905 and 1950 entered a period <strong>of</strong> fluctuation, exacerbated by two<br />

world wars, which left many indicators in the mid-1950s higher than in<br />

much <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century and only marginally lower than at their<br />

highest point. Only churchgoing had declined, but this amounted mostly<br />

to a thinning <strong>of</strong> the people’s religious worship, not to a massive polarisation<br />

between churchgoers and non-churchgoers. Sunday school enrolment<br />

and religious marriage showed remarkable strength until the 1930s. Baptism<br />

into the Church <strong>of</strong> England actually grew down to 1927, so that it was at<br />

a higher rate throughout the inter-war years than it had been in the<br />

Edwardian period. Though most <strong>of</strong> these indicators showed a downturn<br />

in the 1930s, especially in the late 1930s, most <strong>of</strong> the indicators were still<br />

strong by the 1940s.<br />

What was happening was this. Adult church activity was declining but<br />

adult church association remained strong and, in the case <strong>of</strong> baptism,<br />

showed periods <strong>of</strong> growth. Sunday school enrolment, though declining,<br />

was doing so at a far slower rate than adult churchgoing. Adults were<br />

continuing the late Victorian trend <strong>of</strong> investing less in activity and more<br />

in passive association: through membership, attendance to religious rites <strong>of</strong><br />

passage, and in ensuring that their children attended Sunday school. With<br />

discursive <strong>Christian</strong>ity still strong in the inter-war period, family subscription<br />

to religiosity was becoming increasingly concentrated in the family<br />

and the community. <strong>The</strong> family subscribed to the discourses <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong><br />

behaviour less by going to church and more by passive and surrogate association:<br />

the family rituals <strong>of</strong> marriage and baptism, and the attendance <strong>of</strong><br />

children at Sunday school.<br />

In the light <strong>of</strong> this, what happened in the 1950s becomes all the more<br />

remarkable; the two trends are reversed. Church <strong>of</strong> England baptism rates<br />

and the rate <strong>of</strong> solemnisation <strong>of</strong> marriage actually started to fall in the early<br />

1950s, whilst church membership and Sunday school enrolment grew very<br />

significantly. In England, Easter day communicants grew 20.1 per cent as<br />

a proportion <strong>of</strong> population between 1947 and 1956; in Scotland, total religious<br />

affiliation to all churches grew 7.6 per cent as a proportion <strong>of</strong> total<br />

population, and Sunday school enrolment by 31.3 per cent as a proportion<br />

<strong>of</strong> 5–14 year olds. One consequence was a revival <strong>of</strong> religious marriage;<br />

after declining between the late 1930s and the early 1950s, it then grew<br />

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