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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Death</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> —<br />

Table 7.5 Impact <strong>of</strong> female servants on churchgoing, London, 1902–3: correlations<br />

and regressions<br />

Dependent variables regressed against % female servants per household for<br />

28 Metropolitan boroughs<br />

r Adjusted t sig.<br />

R 2 statistic<br />

All 28 boroughs<br />

% women attending Morning 0.6067 0.345 3.900 .001<br />

church Evening 0.0546 –0.035 0.286 .777<br />

% men attending Morning 0.6163 0.355 3.982 .000<br />

church Evening 0.3501 0.088 1.896 .069<br />

% total population Morning 0.6759 0.437 4.683 .000<br />

attending Evening 0.2648 0.034 1.400 .173<br />

household economy, with the presence <strong>of</strong> servants releasing large numbers<br />

<strong>of</strong> middle-class women to attend church who, in their turn, allowed and<br />

cajoled their female servants to attend church later in the day. As Arthur<br />

Sherwell noted in 1904, domestic servants were heavily concentrated in west<br />

London where their employers were mostly Church <strong>of</strong> England and where<br />

they were accustomed to be sent to church, <strong>of</strong>ten as a condition <strong>of</strong> employment.<br />

According to Sherwell, the servants characteristically went to church<br />

in the evening, and the boroughs with the most intense levels <strong>of</strong> female<br />

servants – Kensington, St. Marylebone and Paddington – created the<br />

unusual anomaly <strong>of</strong> higher female churchgoing in the morning rather than<br />

the evening, and also accentuated the high level <strong>of</strong> Church <strong>of</strong> England attendance<br />

in those boroughs. 51<br />

If the female domestic servant enabled the distinctive morning-centred<br />

pattern <strong>of</strong> middle-class churchgoing, the role <strong>of</strong> the wife-mother in the<br />

working-class and servantless household was just as important. <strong>The</strong> critical<br />

factor in both cases was Sunday lunch. In the middle- and upper-class<br />

household, the servants were expected to stay at home in the morning to<br />

prepare lunch for the family and to look after babies. In the workingclass<br />

family, it was the wife-mother who performed this function. As we<br />

have seen in the last chapter, autobiographies and oral testimony demonstrate<br />

both the symbolic importance <strong>of</strong> Sunday lunch and the role that the<br />

wife-mother played in staying at home to prepare it for the rest <strong>of</strong> the<br />

family. Sunday lunch thus becomes the key to understanding the low<br />

attendance <strong>of</strong> women at Protestant church services, especially in England,<br />

between 1800 and 1950. If a woman did not go to church in the morning,<br />

the mildly apathetic man would also not go. In London in 1902–3, the<br />

most working-class Protestant denominations saw women attending<br />

160

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