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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> Statistics <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>Christian</strong> Progress’ 1800–1950 —<br />

+0.6163, and levels <strong>of</strong> women churchgoers attending in the evening +0.7183.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se results indicate that churchgoing by children was significantly<br />

weighted towards the mornings in high-status boroughs and towards the<br />

evening in low-status boroughs, and that the proportion <strong>of</strong> women<br />

attending in the evening was the most influential factor (producing an R 2<br />

<strong>of</strong> 0.52). Taken together, these results demonstrate that children’s attendance<br />

at church in high-status boroughs was more likely to be in the<br />

morning – when, as we saw earlier – women in those boroughs tended to<br />

attend, whilst in low-status boroughs they tended to go in the evening<br />

when women did.<br />

Overall, the London data for 1902–3 show that women were critical<br />

to the churchgoing habits <strong>of</strong> the population as a whole. Where women went<br />

to church more, men and children tended to go more. Where women were<br />

more numerous in the population, overall churchgoing was higher. Where<br />

a borough was more strongly working class in character, women tended to<br />

go in the evening and to attract children with them. In those boroughs that<br />

contained a strong representation <strong>of</strong> high-status households, women’s morning<br />

attendance was higher than elsewhere and, again, they attracted children<br />

with them. In short, women were the pivotal factor in determining the<br />

churchgoing habits <strong>of</strong> the people as a whole.<br />

This throws considerable importance upon the way in which women<br />

organised their Sundays. One factor that many contemporary commentators<br />

and later social historians highlighted was the role <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />

servants. <strong>The</strong> numbers <strong>of</strong> domestic servants as a proportion <strong>of</strong> households<br />

in London in 1902–3 varied between a high <strong>of</strong> 80 per cent <strong>of</strong> the number<br />

<strong>of</strong> families in Kensington and only 5.7 per cent in Shoreditch. As we saw<br />

earlier, the level <strong>of</strong> domestic servants per household produced a significant<br />

correlation with churchgoing levels <strong>of</strong> +0.5373 (and an adjusted R 2 <strong>of</strong><br />

0.26), but this was not the strongest single variable. However, further<br />

investigation shows that the influence <strong>of</strong> female servants was critical to<br />

distinguishing church attendance patterns for morning and evening services.<br />

Table 7.5 shows that in Metropolitan London in 1902–3, the proportion<br />

<strong>of</strong> servants per household determined 44 per cent <strong>of</strong> the variations between<br />

the boroughs in the total church attendance at morning worship, but a<br />

statistically insignificant amount (3 per cent) in the evening. In the morning,<br />

it is clear that variations in domestic servants between boroughs was<br />

vital in varying the levels <strong>of</strong> male, female and child attendance. This impact<br />

was almost equally noticeable upon women and men in the morning,<br />

but in the evening it had a slight impact upon men but absolutely none<br />

upon women.<br />

<strong>The</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> this are far-reaching. It indicates that the single<br />

largest occupational group amongst women – domestic servants – was<br />

critical to determining variations in morning churchgoing between communities.<br />

It shows that churchgoing was closely related to the nature <strong>of</strong> the<br />

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