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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Death</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> —<br />

one or both parents stopped attending church, and more <strong>of</strong>ten than not it<br />

was the mother who stopped going, being compelled to use Sunday mornings<br />

to prepare Sunday lunch. Other forms <strong>of</strong> religious observance were<br />

sustained: both children and adults observed the no-games, no-work rules,<br />

Sunday best was worn by children and fathers, family walks were taken in<br />

the afternoon or (in summer) in the evening, and there was special food<br />

for Sunday meals. Prayers and grace were <strong>of</strong>ten said in the home. Some<br />

then returned to Sunday worship when the children had left home, notably<br />

women who joined Mother’s Groups or similar organisations. 131 Critically,<br />

what kept young married working-class women from church was the need<br />

to prepare Sunday lunch and look after babies.<br />

<strong>Christian</strong> signification is strong in personal testimony relating to the<br />

period before 1950. In oral sources the evangelical narrative structure and<br />

discourses on gendered piety were widely used in conceiving individuals’<br />

lives. Dissonance between interviewees and interviewers, and between interviewees’<br />

present and past, intimated substantive change to discourse on<br />

<strong>Christian</strong>ity. Popular autobiography, a genre which by the 1970s and 1980s<br />

was dominated by women writing for a predominantly female readership,<br />

focused on lost ‘community’ (both urban and rural) and lost values in which<br />

religiosity was a prominent motif. <strong>The</strong> world that was lost was a female<br />

one. This is nowhere more apparent, in both types <strong>of</strong> source, than with<br />

Sundays – a woman’s day which retained much <strong>of</strong> its Protestant strictness<br />

in many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> until the 1940s. 132 Celia Davies recalled:<br />

We accepted Sunday and all that went with it, just as we accepted<br />

the seasons <strong>of</strong> the year. ... I believe we even had Sunday hair ribbons.<br />

Nearly all our toys were put away, except books <strong>of</strong> bible stories –<br />

anything in the nature <strong>of</strong> a game was forbidden. When we went out<br />

for a walk we were not allowed to run or skip, or trail our feet in<br />

the autumn leaves. We walked sedately on either side <strong>of</strong> the pram,<br />

with that ‘Sunday’ feeling inside us. 133<br />

<strong>The</strong> Sunday ‘feeling’ was the great female sensibility. In Norfolk the Sunday<br />

routine <strong>of</strong> church, chapel and Sunday school was undimmed in the 1930s<br />

from the Victorian period, with the strictest houses eating only cold meals<br />

(thus allowing women to all services), and the Sunday school festival being<br />

the major calendar event <strong>of</strong> the summer. 134 If conversionism and anxiety<br />

had diminished, the discursive symbolism <strong>of</strong> evangelical religion had not.<br />

Far from being privatised or dimmed, <strong>Christian</strong>ity lay at the heart <strong>of</strong> the<br />

contented and woman-centred family life into which British society had<br />

by the eve <strong>of</strong> World War II funnelled Victorian moral values.<br />

144

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