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The Death of Christian Britain

The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Death</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> —<br />

a Congregationalist home where wall pictures tended to be religious<br />

subjects ‘such as John Wesley’s house on fire, you know, and that sort <strong>of</strong><br />

thing. He’d got his children round him, and making some pronouncement<br />

about “let the house burn, I am rich enough”, you know, that sort <strong>of</strong><br />

thing.’ 119<br />

In London, where rates <strong>of</strong> churchgoing were lower than in most <strong>of</strong> the<br />

rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong>, the churchgoing family had a certain status: Hetty Beck<br />

recalled <strong>of</strong> the 1880s and 1890s that ‘in those days, if you went to church,<br />

well then you were regarded as someone <strong>of</strong> – er – a certain amount <strong>of</strong> importance’.<br />

People ‘who really looked to the serious side <strong>of</strong> life went to<br />

church or chapel or Salvation Army or Church Army’, people you ‘would<br />

– er – deal with and have a good deal <strong>of</strong> conversation with really’. 120<br />

Churches represented a ‘well-<strong>of</strong>f other’ to many families. Working-class<br />

religion, as Hugh McLeod has said <strong>of</strong> London, was ‘severely practical’, with<br />

an epigrammatic and pragmatic view <strong>of</strong> both God and the churches. Those<br />

who held a strong faith were seen by others as self-reliant individualists<br />

and thus outsiders to the majority <strong>of</strong> working people; the practical was<br />

prioritised over the other-worldly. 121<br />

Yet, what made <strong>Britain</strong> a <strong>Christian</strong> nation before 1950 was not the<br />

minority with a strong faith, but the majority with some faith. <strong>The</strong> families<br />

in which one or both parents did not go to church are important in any<br />

study <strong>of</strong> religious decline. <strong>The</strong> numbers <strong>of</strong> families with no regular parental<br />

churchgoing emerges from McLeod’s review <strong>of</strong> oral testimony as quite high<br />

(50–60 per cent), whilst an analysis <strong>of</strong> the Stirling archive produces a much<br />

lower figure (13 per cent). <strong>The</strong> oral testimony which chronicles these families<br />

is fascinating, for they reveal more church influence than the bald figures<br />

suggest. James Mahoney (born 1899) was brought up in Poplar and East<br />

Ham, both areas <strong>of</strong> low church attendance, his father a lapsed Catholic<br />

stevedore and socialist and his mother nominally Church <strong>of</strong> England. His<br />

‘mum and dad were not churchgoers, so, but we were made to go to Sunday<br />

school always.’’ He described his parents as ‘Hundred per cent <strong>Christian</strong>s<br />

but not churchgoers’, teetotallers who never gambled and who made their<br />

children say prayers at night and memorise the Lord’s Prayer. 122 Probably<br />

the majority <strong>of</strong> interviewees born between the 1870s and the 1920s with<br />

non-churchgoing parents participated in church activities themselves. In<br />

some cases they imply that they were ‘sent’ by parents, but many found<br />

religion for themselves. 123 Leah Ward’s parents weren’t churchgoers in their<br />

Nottinghamshire mining village in the 1880s, but she went to Sunday<br />

school, Band <strong>of</strong> Hope and Methodist Church services, and when she was<br />

thirteen her father joined the Christadelphians. 124 David Mitchell was<br />

brought up by parents who only went to church to christen their children,<br />

but yet they celebrated Sunday as strictly as most churchgoers: they had a<br />

big Sunday lunch, his dad wore a Sunday-best suit to lead a family walk,<br />

and no games were allowed. In turn, David became highly involved in<br />

142

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