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The Death of Christian Britain

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— <strong>The</strong> <strong>Death</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Christian</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> —<br />

pronounced during recollection <strong>of</strong> religious trauma. Another interviewee,<br />

Norris Thompson from Gravesend, was born in 1905 into a Nonconformist<br />

shopkeeping family in which religion was vitally important, his mother<br />

spending enormous time evangelising amongst poorer people.<br />

And <strong>of</strong> course I was very frightened too. You see I believed in the<br />

second coming <strong>of</strong> Christ. And they [his parents] felt it was quite<br />

imminent you see. Well, and it created a real fear in my early – because<br />

I knew I wasn’t good enough to go up, you see. And I always thought<br />

my mother and father, they would go, they were so good you see –<br />

and it was a real fear. Yes, yes. I don’t think I ever told this to my<br />

parents, I have never told it to anybody, but it was always within<br />

me. If they were late, you know, coming back from anywhere: ‘Where<br />

have they gone?’ 21<br />

Religious fear was not limited to Nonconformists. Maude Baines, a woman<br />

in Highgate in London born in 1887 into a Church <strong>of</strong> England family, was<br />

read stories at bedtime by her father as she was a poor sleeper: ‘I was<br />

terribly afraid <strong>of</strong> going to hell, you see, and I was afraid <strong>of</strong> going to sleep<br />

in case I burnt up. I suppose, you know, I was brought up in the old way<br />

<strong>of</strong> the hell-fire and all that, and being a very imaginative child I was terrified<br />

<strong>of</strong> going to sleep. I tried not to go to sleep and used to get hysterical<br />

and father used to come and sit and – and read to me a little and pat my<br />

hand and he was very tired.’ 22<br />

<strong>The</strong> most obvious way in which oral testimony reflects the evangelical<br />

narrative is from the starting point <strong>of</strong> a ‘religious’ childhood which has<br />

been ‘lost’. However, testimony could start from the other, ‘irreligious’,<br />

end and travel the conversionist route to ‘salvation’. Born in 1889, Elizabeth<br />

Ormston from Leigh in Lancashire lost her first stepfather, a butcher, at<br />

the age <strong>of</strong> ten when ‘he killed hisself with drink’ going on ‘the flash’ or<br />

binge drinking with other men. But the family then moved to Bolton where<br />

her mother married a teetotaller, a man who played in the Aspull<br />

Temperance Band. She was then brought up ‘very religious’, her mother<br />

ensuring she went to Sunday school and also attended church, twice every<br />

Sunday. She was forbidden from so much as stitching a button on that day,<br />

and was sent on weekday evenings to the Band <strong>of</strong> Hope and <strong>Christian</strong><br />

Endeavour. To add to the polarities, her new stepfather was poor and<br />

teetotal, but his sister married the very wealthy clerk <strong>of</strong> works at a brewery:<br />

‘they lived in a big house on Junction Road, stood in its own grounds, so<br />

hadn’t any time for us’. 23 Elizabeth structured her narrative <strong>of</strong> childhood<br />

years between the bipolarities <strong>of</strong> the evangelical discourses on male<br />

immoralities, their destruction <strong>of</strong> family life, and their redemptive opposites:<br />

the drunken stepfather succeeded by the teetotal stepfather, the rich<br />

and alo<strong>of</strong> brewery manager versus his poor, respectable and abstaining<br />

brother-in-law.<br />

122

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