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Animal electricity from Bologna to Boston

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Abstract<br />

<strong>Animal</strong> <strong>electricity</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>Bologna</strong> <strong>to</strong> Bos<strong>to</strong>n<br />

Eli S. Goldensohn*<br />

Montefiore Medical Center, Albert Einstein School of Medicine, 111 East 210th Street, Bronx, NY 10467–2490, USA<br />

Accepted for publication: 3 Oc<strong>to</strong>ber 1997<br />

This is an appreciation of 3 scientists who made his<strong>to</strong>ric contributions <strong>to</strong>ward understanding bio-electrical activity. The discoveries of<br />

Galvani and Volta, who were contemporaries two hundred years ago, continue as basic supports in advancing the strength and health of all<br />

mankind. They, nevertheless, had political and scientific disagreements that still linger. The third scientist was our contemporary, Alexander<br />

Forbes who, through<strong>to</strong>ut most of the 20th century, continued <strong>to</strong> increase our understanding of electrical activity in the nervous<br />

system. © 1998 Elsevier Science Ireland Ltd.<br />

Keywords: Amplifiers; EEG; Electricity; His<strong>to</strong>ry<br />

1. Introduction<br />

The early days of electroencephalography (EEG) in the<br />

USA can be traced <strong>to</strong> the department of physiology at Harvard<br />

under the neurophysiologist Alexander Forbes. Forbes<br />

made many significant advances in electrophysiology and<br />

neurophysiology. He used the epic-making discoveries of<br />

two earlier scientists, Galvani and Volta, as the basis for his<br />

investigations. Luigi Galvani discovered intrinsic electrical<br />

transmission in the peripheral and central nervous system.<br />

Alexandro Volta invented a method of continuously generating<br />

and s<strong>to</strong>ring <strong>electricity</strong> that changed the lives of everyone<br />

in innumerable ways, and particularly for those of us in<br />

electrophysiology. Volta and Galvani were contemporaries<br />

and were also adversaries.<br />

2. The great Galvani versus Volta debate<br />

Luigi Galvani was born in 1737 in <strong>Bologna</strong>. Long before<br />

he was born, frictional <strong>electricity</strong> was produced by rubbing<br />

glass, amber or rubber by hand, <strong>to</strong> produce momentary<br />

shocks. By the time of his birth, frictional electric machines<br />

had been invented which were used by the curious for amu-<br />

* Tel.: +1 718 9205603; fax: +1 718 8810838.<br />

Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

sement and speculation (Nollet, 1746). Some serious but<br />

inconclusive stimulation studies were made with advanced<br />

frictional models by Aldini (Hintzsche, 1966; Fig. 1). Other<br />

shock methods were also used later as putative treatment for<br />

illnesses and in attempts <strong>to</strong> raise the dead (Aldini, 1804; Fig.<br />

2). When Galvani was 8 years old, in 1746, a physicist<br />

named Van Musschenbrock, in Leyden, The Netherlands,<br />

developed a method for s<strong>to</strong>ring frictionally produced <strong>electricity</strong><br />

in jars until needed (Dorsman and Grommelim,<br />

1957). In his research, Galvani used the friction-generated<br />

charges held in the Leyden glass jars (capaci<strong>to</strong>rs) <strong>to</strong> stimulate<br />

frogs at will. After 11 years of meticulously planned and<br />

personally illustrated experiments on intrinsic <strong>electricity</strong><br />

(Fig. 3), he presented his work in an his<strong>to</strong>ric treatise. It<br />

was published locally in Latin in 1791 by the Institute of<br />

Academic Commentary (Fig. 4; Galvani, 1791). It clearly<br />

showed that electrical stimulation of a peripheral nerve<br />

would cause an impulse <strong>to</strong> travel <strong>to</strong> and throughout the<br />

spinal cord, and in turn exit and arrive distally <strong>to</strong> cause<br />

the leg muscles of an insulated frog <strong>to</strong> contract. Nevertheless,<br />

for the next half century his profound discovery, which<br />

he called ‘animal <strong>electricity</strong>’, was not generally accepted,<br />

although it had been independently con-firmed (Aldini,<br />

1794; Von Humboldt, 1797; Volta, 1800; Fig. 5).<br />

This 50 year scientific hiatus occurred mainly because of<br />

the influence of Galvani’s renowned countryman and critic,<br />

0013-4694/98/$19.00 © 1998 Elsevier Science Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved<br />

PII S0013-4694(97)00110-7 EEG 28


E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

Fig. 1. Left: Marcan<strong>to</strong>nio Caldani (1725–1813), Professor of Medicine at <strong>Bologna</strong>, <strong>from</strong> the engraving by Gaetano Bozia after the portrait by Schiavoni<br />

(courtesy of the Wellcome Institute of His<strong>to</strong>ry of Medicine, London). Right: the electrostatic machine made by Dolland in London and used by Caldani and<br />

Fontana in stimulating experiments <strong>to</strong> study irritability of tissues (Institu<strong>to</strong> delle Scienze, <strong>Bologna</strong>).<br />

Alessandro Giuseppe Ana<strong>to</strong>nio Anastasio Volta (Fig. 6).<br />

Volta was informally well-educated with a particular<br />

interest in physics. As a young man he did creditable<br />

work in that area and was made a professor at the University<br />

of Pavia. His his<strong>to</strong>ric invention, the voltaic pile (Fig. 6), was<br />

a series of plates of dissimilar metals (copper and zinc)<br />

Fig. 2. Left: Giovanni Aldini (1762–1834), nephew of Galvani. Right: Aldini’s experiments with electric shock in various positions connecting <strong>to</strong> voltaic<br />

piles for stimulation. Below: two recently dead patients connected (Aldini, 1804).<br />

95


96 E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

Fig. 3. Galvani’s labora<strong>to</strong>ry in 1792. Sketch of 3 frog nerve–muscle preparations in insulated flasks, a Leyden jar, two hand-held metal wands <strong>to</strong> transfer<br />

charges, and metal wire suspended <strong>from</strong> the ceiling <strong>to</strong> collect and carry the charge <strong>to</strong> the frog (courtesy of the National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, MD,<br />

USA).<br />

separated by moist separa<strong>to</strong>rs that generated continuous<br />

electrical ‘tension’ (the electric s<strong>to</strong>rage battery) which revolutionized<br />

the use of energy in the world forever. Although<br />

Volta was originally friendly with Galvani and accepted his<br />

findings, he soon turned against them and tenaciously and<br />

incorrectly ascribed all of Galvani’s results <strong>to</strong> ‘metallic<br />

<strong>electricity</strong>’ <strong>from</strong> the inadvertent use of two dissimilar metals<br />

that had directly stimulated the frogs’ muscles (Volta,<br />

1800).<br />

Both Galvani and Volta lived in northern Italy, a region<br />

that the French army had begun <strong>to</strong> wrest <strong>from</strong> Austria in<br />

1792. This was just a year after the publication of Galvani’s<br />

‘Commentary’. Napoleon completed the conquest of the<br />

area early in 1797, and Volta, who was politically sophisticated,<br />

supported the conquest. After Napoleon declared<br />

himself President of the Lombardy region in northern<br />

Italy, he bes<strong>to</strong>wed the title of Count of the Royal Kingdom<br />

of Lombardy upon Volta for his scientific achievements and<br />

his political support. Volta became an internationally<br />

honored figure. Up <strong>to</strong> the time of his death at the age of<br />

82 years, he remained strongly against the proof of intrinsic<br />

<strong>electricity</strong>. In contrast <strong>to</strong> Volta, Galvani was not honored<br />

during his lifetime, and for many years thereafter his conclusions<br />

did not gain general acceptance. Because he<br />

refused <strong>to</strong> take an oath of allegiance <strong>to</strong> Napoleon’s new<br />

state, he lost his positions at the University of <strong>Bologna</strong><br />

and the Institute of Science. When he died in December,<br />

1978 he was neither honored nor generally believed. Galvani’s<br />

discovery was not accepted for years, mainly because<br />

Volta outlived him, and continued <strong>to</strong> publicly deny the<br />

validity of Galvani’s work for 3 decades.<br />

3. Electrophysiology as a field<br />

Finally, in the mid-19th century, general acceptance of<br />

intrinsic electrical activity in nerve and muscle was sparked<br />

by the German physiologist Emil Du Bois-Reymond in his<br />

two volume book Untersuchungen uber Thierische Elektricitat<br />

[Investigations on <strong>Animal</strong> Electricity (Du Bois-Reymond,<br />

1848; Du Bois-Reymond, 1849); Fig. 7]. In 1937,<br />

Fig. 4. Luigi Galvani (1837–1882) portrayed in his middle age.


E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

Fig. 5. Frederick Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) confirmed and extended Galvani’ experiments and supported Galvani in opposing Volta’s contention<br />

that current generated by dissimilar metals were responsible for the effects in animal tissue. On the left, the frog muscle contracts (dotted lines) after the<br />

action potential passes down the crural nerve below the two contacts. On the right is a drawing of Humboldt as a young man. His experiments were published<br />

when he was still in his twenties.<br />

200 years after Galvani’s birth, the Institute of Science celebrated<br />

his life accomplishments and republished his treatise.<br />

In spite of the politics of scientific jealousy and nationalism,<br />

his place in his<strong>to</strong>ry was finally secured.<br />

Georg Ohm discovered the laws governing flowing <strong>electricity</strong><br />

in 1827. In 1858 William Thompson refined the galvanometer,<br />

and the field of electrophysiology became the<br />

basis of the physiology of the nervous system as proposed<br />

by Carlo Matteucci and Emil Du Bois-Reymond in the mid-<br />

1800s. Du Bois-Reymond also made non-polarizable electrodes.<br />

This period also gave rise <strong>to</strong> the concept of ‘action<br />

current’ (Hermann, 1834–1919), <strong>to</strong> the accurate measurement<br />

of the velocity of nerve conduction (Von Helmholtz<br />

(1812–1894) and a membrane theory of nerve tissue (Bernstein,<br />

1839–1917).<br />

In 1929, Hans Berger, credited with naming and discovering<br />

the human electroencephalogram, published the first<br />

report on the characteristics of the alpha rhythm and alpha<br />

blocking. This gained increasing acceptance after its confirmation<br />

by Adrian and Matthews (1934) in 1934, and a few<br />

months later by Jasper and Carmichael (1935).<br />

4. Alexander Forbes, the father of American EEG<br />

A little more than a century after Galvani’s discoveries,<br />

Fig. 6. Left: Alessandro Volta (1745–1827) <strong>from</strong> the portrait by Rober<strong>to</strong> Focasi. Volta was an admirer of and honored by Napoleon, one of whose gestures he<br />

seems <strong>to</strong> have caught. Right: his own sketches of voltaic piles.<br />

97


98 E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

Fig. 7. Emil Du Bois-Reymond (1818–1896). His experiments and innovative electrical apparatus reopened the field of electrophysiology in the middle of the<br />

19th century. The preparation on the left shows his apparatus which demonstrated change in flow of current when nerve is stimulated. (Portrait courtesy of the<br />

National Library of Medicine.)<br />

Alexander Forbes began his contributions <strong>to</strong> electrophysiology<br />

and EEG in Bos<strong>to</strong>n. From the age of 19 years in 1901,<br />

Forbes was scientifically productive until he published his<br />

last two papers on the physiology of color vision at the age<br />

of 80 years (Fig. 8). Many who worked in the field when the<br />

American and Western EEG societies were founded (1936–<br />

1946) already regarded Alexander Forbes as the premier<br />

American electrophysiologist. Much of the following material<br />

is drawn <strong>from</strong> Wallace Fenn’s appreciation in the Biographical<br />

Memoirs National Academy of Sciences (Fenn,<br />

1969) and <strong>from</strong> Sir John Eccles’ evaluation of Forbes’ contributions<br />

(Eccles, 1970).<br />

Forbes was born in<strong>to</strong> an illustrious Massachusetts family<br />

in 1882. Both sides were <strong>to</strong> influence him philosophically,<br />

politically and scientifically. His grandfather, John Forbes,<br />

helped organize Negro regiments in Massachusetts during<br />

the Civil War and made a fortune in the budding railroad<br />

industry. His father, Julian Forbes, was a Civil War hero<br />

who latched on <strong>to</strong> another nascent technology and became<br />

president of the Bell Telephone company. His mother, Edith<br />

Emerson Forbes, was the daughter of the great philosopher<br />

and humanist Ralph Waldo Emerson, and <strong>from</strong> her he<br />

absorbed a high regard for self-reliance and a liberal religious<br />

reverence for nature. At Harvard College, Forbes<br />

decided <strong>to</strong> be a biological investiga<strong>to</strong>r, and completed several<br />

scientific papers while attending the medical school<br />

there. He then spent 2 years in England in the labora<strong>to</strong>ry<br />

of the great neurophysioloist Charles Sherring<strong>to</strong>n (the future<br />

Sir Charles) on central nervous system integration, including<br />

reflex excitation and reciprocal inhibition. When he<br />

returned <strong>to</strong> Harvard, he added electrical recording <strong>to</strong> the<br />

study of spinal reflexes for the first time. He made subsequent<br />

trips <strong>to</strong> England, and in 1921 visited E.D. Adrian<br />

(later Lord Adrian; Fig. 9) who, incidentally, taught him<br />

Fig. 8. Alexander Forbes (1882–1965).


E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

Fig. 9. Alexander Forbes (left) with Sir Charles Sherring<strong>to</strong>n (middle) and E.D. Adrian in England in 1938 (pho<strong>to</strong> by Mrs. W.A. Locke). From Fenn, 1969.<br />

<strong>to</strong> fly. From then on, until he was 80 years old, he piloted his<br />

plane <strong>to</strong> scientific meetings.<br />

In World War I, Forbes became an expert in electronics<br />

and did research in radio communication. In World War II,<br />

he was a captain in the Navy where he used his mastery of<br />

electronics and geography <strong>to</strong> solve navigation and tactical<br />

problems. He flew his own plane while making pho<strong>to</strong>graphic<br />

maps of shore lines. Another of his assignments<br />

was <strong>to</strong> use EEG <strong>to</strong> test the suitability of candidates <strong>to</strong><br />

train as airplane pilots. Many candidates were probably<br />

refused because delta slowing in the electroencephalogram<br />

in response <strong>to</strong> hyperventilation was considered ‘abnormal’<br />

at the time.<br />

One of Forbes’ greatest accomplishments was <strong>to</strong> devise<br />

and introduce the first electronic vacuum-tube amplifier for<br />

research in neurophysiology (Forbes and Thatcher, 1920;<br />

Fig. 10). It greatly increased sensitivity and frequency<br />

response over the galvanometer by some 50-fold and<br />

opened a new era of research in electrophysiology. The<br />

vacuum-tube amplifier remained dominant in electrophysio-<br />

logical research for the next 30 years until it was superseded<br />

by the transis<strong>to</strong>r. Not long after Forbes introduced tube<br />

amplification, a young psychiatrist in training, named<br />

Donald McPherson, who was moonlighting in a Harvard<br />

affiliated psychiatric hospital, came <strong>to</strong> Forbes’ labora<strong>to</strong>ry<br />

with a research plan. McPherson explained that the well<strong>to</strong>-do<br />

aunt of a psychotic youth he was treating had asked if<br />

he had any idea of the cause of the youth’s mental illness.<br />

McPherson <strong>to</strong>ld her that the brain contains many cells which<br />

carry and distribute electrical messages in much the same<br />

manner as wires that distribute messages among telephones,<br />

and that in the patient’s head the ‘wires might be crossed’.<br />

She offered <strong>to</strong> underwrite his research in<strong>to</strong> this theory, and<br />

thus began the search for schizophrenia in aberrant cortical<br />

connectivity. Forbes allowed McPherson <strong>to</strong> use his amplifier<br />

and camera <strong>to</strong> look for spontaneous activity in the<br />

exposed cortex of cats. After some trials, McPherson saw<br />

some fluctuations on the film. He brought it <strong>to</strong> Forbes, who,<br />

being busy with other things, suggested that the fluctuations<br />

might be artifactual <strong>from</strong> construction next door. Forbes put<br />

Fig. 10. First use of valve amplification in recording action potentials of nerve. Left: a frog sciatic nerve, N, with stimulating electrodes, S, and recording<br />

electrodes, L, applied <strong>to</strong> nerve in moist chamber. The nerve is shown crushed between the two electrodes in order <strong>to</strong> give a monophasic recording. The<br />

recording circuit is shown as passing through a valve (vacuum-tube amplifier) <strong>to</strong> a string galvanometer, G. Right: submaximal and maximal action potentials<br />

are shown without amplification in C and E, with amplification in B and D (Forbes and Thatcher, 1920).<br />

99


100 E.S. Goldensohn / Electroencephalography and clinical Neurophysiology 106 (1998) 94–100<br />

the film in the <strong>to</strong>p of his old-fashioned roll-down desk where<br />

it sat undisturbed and forgotten. Years later, Hallowell<br />

Davis accidentally discovered the film. Forbes reportedly<br />

presented the s<strong>to</strong>ry and film at a meeting and published<br />

the material. Davis credits both Forbes and McPherson in<br />

his obituary of Forbes (Davis, 1965), as does Fenn (1969).<br />

The original paper is not listed in Index Medicus nor the<br />

Biographical Memoirs National Academy of Sciences, each<br />

of which should have listed all of Forbes’ papers, so it<br />

appears officially absent <strong>from</strong> written scientific his<strong>to</strong>ry.<br />

However, unbeknown <strong>to</strong> Forbes, McPherson or Davis, a<br />

Russian researcher had already published the first pho<strong>to</strong>graphic<br />

record of the electrocencephalogram in 1912 (Pravdich-Neminsky,<br />

1912).<br />

Of equal importance <strong>to</strong> the new amplifiers that Forbes<br />

devised was the neurophysiological research he accomplished<br />

using his amplifiers. He confirmed the ‘all-or-none<br />

law’ of nerve impulse conduction. Alone, and in collaboration<br />

with neurophysiologists in England and America, he<br />

completed scores of other important investigations in the<br />

central nervous system, including evoked potentials during<br />

anesthesia. Using microelectrode recording on single brain<br />

cells with Renshaw and Hallowell Davis in 1940, they lead<br />

the way <strong>to</strong>ward establishing the synaptic origin of EEG<br />

waves (Renshaw et al., 1940).<br />

Harvard maintained eminence in EEG with the work in<br />

humans by Hallowell and Pauline Davis, Frederic and Erna<br />

Gibbs, William Lennox. Herbert Jasper led the movement<br />

out of Brown University in Rhode Island, and Lee Travis at<br />

the University of Iowa founded the EEG group, which later<br />

included Jasper, Donald Lindsley, John Knott and Charles<br />

Henry. Donald Lindsley transferred his zeal for electrophysiology<br />

<strong>to</strong> the west coast where he published on EEG for<br />

many years, out of the Psychiatry Department of University<br />

of California, Los Angeles.<br />

I recall Forbes <strong>from</strong> his later years, listening attentively<br />

with his hearing aid <strong>from</strong> the front row of the Eastern EEG<br />

Society Ski Meetings in the Laurentian mountains, offering<br />

gentle but critical analysis of the work and then racing all<br />

afternoon on his short barrel, stave-shaped skis. Toward the<br />

end of his life he left us an important message about science,<br />

‘Science can perform its noblest service, not in laying the<br />

foundation for labor saving inventions, not even in improving<br />

medical services of the sick, but in giving us a clearer<br />

understanding of man’s place in the order of nature and the<br />

origins of his patterns of behavior that ultimately guide us <strong>to</strong><br />

a more harmonious way of living with each other.’<br />

References<br />

Adrian, E.D. and Matthews, B.H.C. The Berger rhythm: potential changes<br />

in the occipital lobes in man. Brain, 1934, 57: 355–385.<br />

Aldini, G. De <strong>Animal</strong>i Electricitae Dissertationes. Duae, <strong>Bologna</strong>, 1794.<br />

Aldini, G. Essai Theorique et Experimental sur le Galvanisme, 2 Vols.<br />

Fournier, Paris, 1804.<br />

Davis, H. Alexander Forbes, 1822–1965. J. Neurophysiol., 1965, 28: 986–<br />

988.<br />

Dorsman, D. and Grommelim, C.A. Invention of the Leyden jar. Janus,<br />

1957, 46: 275–280.<br />

Du Bois-Reymond, E. Untersuchungen uber Thierische Electricitat, Vol. I.<br />

Reimer, Berlin, 1848.<br />

Du Bois-Reymond, E. Untersuchungen uber Thierische Electricitat, Vol.<br />

II, Reimer, Berlin, 1849.<br />

Eccles, J.C. Alexander Forbes and his achievements in electrophysiology.<br />

Perspect. Biol. Med., 1970, 13: 388–404.<br />

Fenn, W.O. Alexander Forbes. Biogr. Mem. Natl. Acad. Sci., 1969, 40:<br />

113–141.<br />

Forbes, A. and Thatcher, C. Amplification of action currents with the<br />

electron tube in recording with the string galvanometer. Am. J.<br />

Physiol., 1920, 52: 409–471.<br />

Galvani, L. De viribus electricitatis in mu<strong>to</strong> musculare commentarius<br />

1791, 7: 363–418. De Bononiensi Scientiarum et Artrium Institu<strong>to</strong><br />

atque Academia Commentarii, 1791, 7: 363–418.<br />

Hintzsche, E. (Ed.). Albrect Von Heller–Marcan<strong>to</strong>nio Caldani. Huber,<br />

Berne, 1966.<br />

Jasper, H.H. and Carmichael, L. Electrical potentials <strong>from</strong> the human<br />

brain. Science, 1935, 81: 51–53.<br />

Nollet, J.A. Essai sur l’Electricit :é du Corps Humain. Guerin, Paris, 1746.<br />

Pravdich-Neminsky, V.V. Eim Versuch der Registrierung der elektrischen<br />

Gehirnerscheinungen. Zbl. Physiol., 1912, 27: 951–960.<br />

Renshaw, B., Forbes, A. and Morison, B.R. Activity of isocortex and<br />

hippocampus: electrical studies with microelectrodes. J.<br />

Neurophysiol., 1940, 3: 74–105.<br />

Volta, A.G.A. Letter <strong>to</strong> Sir Joseph Banks, 20 March 1800, on <strong>electricity</strong><br />

excited by the mere contact of conducting substances of different kinds.<br />

Phil. Trans. R. Soc., 1800, 90: 403.<br />

Von Humboldt, F.A. Versuche uber de gereizte Muskel and Nervenfaser.<br />

Decker, Posen und Rottman, Berlin, 1797.

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