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April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal

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feelings<br />

<strong>of</strong> marginalisation and relative deprivation (worsened by their rural spacial<br />

characteristics) as well as perceptions <strong>of</strong> corruption and an uncaring state.<br />

The arms <strong>of</strong> state which are positioned to deliver and uphold democracy<br />

appear to be floundering.<br />

• Our report shows that respondents perceive local government to be<br />

doing worse than national government according to various per<strong>for</strong>mance<br />

ratings. The depth <strong>of</strong> this disapproval however is narrowing ? national<br />

government is seen to be complicit in the failures at local government<br />

level. For example: disapproval at local municipal level is 56% compared<br />

to 48% who disapprove at national government.<br />

• The findings on how respondents may express dissent <strong>for</strong> poor<br />

service delivery and low levels <strong>of</strong> accountability revealed that the door to<br />

find joint solutions is still ajar ? respondents are prepared to negotiate<br />

and involve themselves in democratic <strong>for</strong>a with the state. The fact that<br />

they have not confronted the state directly through the means <strong>of</strong> protest,<br />

despite very high levels <strong>of</strong> dissatisfaction however should not be taken as<br />

an indicator <strong>of</strong> their social mood but rather as a result <strong>of</strong> their particular<br />

circumstances <strong>of</strong> dependence and vulnerability. Our respondents, based<br />

mostly in rural areas are not prepared to confront the state directly as a<br />

means <strong>of</strong> voicing dissent.<br />

• Indeed, the boldness with which respondents have spoken out might<br />

even suggest that our respondents are getting their voices back and are<br />

breaking through the historical and cultural inhibitions despite the very<br />

direct risk <strong>for</strong> doing so. This suggests that the perceptions reflected in<br />

this report should perhaps be granted even greater weight. It might also be<br />

an indicator that people believe that the situation is becoming serious<br />

now.<br />

That even though challenges may neither be violent nor directly<br />

confrontational, but that ordinary citizens are saying, hey! This is<br />

important. It is serious. Let?s sit down and talk.?<br />

Full report available on http://www.pacsa.org.za/<br />

Libyan Interim Government – agents <strong>of</strong> imperialism<br />

Fred Weston 1 <strong>April</strong> <strong>2011</strong><br />

What started as a genuine revolution against Gaddafi, has been taken over<br />

by reactionary bourgeois elements. In the Interim Council, and now the<br />

newly <strong>for</strong>med Interim Government, direct representatives <strong>of</strong> imperialist<br />

interests have been promoted to leading positions.<br />

The conditions that led to the beginning <strong>of</strong> the Libyan revolution in<br />

February were created by the policies that the Gaddafi regime has been<br />

following in recent years, involving opening up the economy to <strong>for</strong>eign<br />

investment and privatisations, that led to growing social problems, such as<br />

very high unemployment. Some calculate that it could be as high as 35%.<br />

This is the result <strong>of</strong> the dismantling <strong>of</strong> a part <strong>of</strong> the old state owned<br />

system.<br />

Other important factors that fomented revolution are the rampant<br />

corruption within the regime and the stifling lack <strong>of</strong> democracy and basic<br />

rights. After decades <strong>of</strong> strict state censorship and control people feel they

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