April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
explanations – ignorance and cowardice – were, eight years earlier, Zuma’s plausible defenses for promoting AIDS denialism. He helped President Thabo Mbeki during the period in which 330,000 South Africans died due to Pretoria’s refusal to supply anti-retroviral medicines, as a Harvard Public Health School study showed. To his credit, Zuma reversed course by 2003 (rather late in the day) and endorsed public supply of AIDS medicines, as public pressure arose from the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and its international allies. TAC continued to condemn Zuma, in part because of misogyny during his 2006 rape trial. It is that sort of intensive pressure that local activists in Climate Justice Now! SA are aiming to repeat, at the risk of otherwise allowing Zuma to remain a signatory to a far greater genocide. The COP 17 in Durban’s International Convention Centre, from November 28-December 9, is a chance for civil society to hold Pretoria to account. The last such opportunity was in 2001 when the World Conference Against Racism attracted more than 10,000 protesters angry that Mbeki had agreed with Washington, to remove from the UN’s agenda their demands for apartheid reparations and for a halt to Israeli apartheid against Palestine. This year, as in previous COPs, civil society will demand that political elites cut emissions 50 percent by 2020 (as science requires), decommission the dysfunctional carbon markets, pay the North-South (and SA-African) ‘climate debt’ and transform to a post-carbon economy. The negotiators from Pretoria, along with those from Washington, Brussels and Beijing, will not stand up to the challenge, as they’ve proven again and again. As in earlier conflicts, then, the spirit of anti-apartheid resistance and lessons of AIDS medicines access are amongst the weaponry civil society will need, in order to save the species’ and the planet itself. The strategies and tactics they will deploy are already being hotly debated. ININGIZIMU AFRIKA ilungiselela “Ingqungquthela yabangcolisi bomoya olawula isimo sezulu” NguPatrick Bond Yahunyushwa nguFaith ka-Manzi Ezingqungqutheleni ezimbili ezedlule zeNhlangano yaMazwe Ezizwe (United Nations) iKtoyo Protocol mayelana nesimo sezulu, eCopenhagen ngo2009 kanye neCancun ngo2010, kanye nemimnye imihlangano esike yabanjwa ngaphambili njengaseNairobi, ngabe abaholi baseNingizimu Afrika kanye nabakhulumela lelizwe badlala yiphi indima bona? Okudabukisa kakhulu, bajwayele ukwenzela phansi izakhamuzi kanye nabavoti balelizwe, ozakwabo baseAfrika kanye nesimo sezemvelo somhlaba wonke. Okwenza kakhulu amahloni, uma siyangaya phambili kwingqungquthela ezoba seThekwini ngomhlaka 17 kuNovemba kulonyaka iGreen Paper ngesimo sezulu lapho kuzoba nenkulumo mpikiswano nomphakathi kulenyaka kugqugquzela izimo ezimbili eziyingozi – amandla enuclear kanye nokudayiswa kwesisisi esingcolisa umkhathi – lokhu kuzoholela ekutheni kuphume ngokwethusayo ukukhiqizeka kwesisisi esingcolisa isisisi
esingcolisa umkhathi. INingizimu Afrika njengamanje imatasatasa yakha odukathole bazizinda zamandla amalahla eKusile kanye naseMedupi (okuzoba izizinda ezinkulu kakhulu emhlabeni zesithathu nesesine), lokhu okuzokwenza kuvulwe izimayini ezingamashumi amane phezu kokuba sibhekene nehlazo lokungcolisa umoya wesimo sezulu kanye namanzi, futhi njengoba sisafuna ‘isikhala sesisisi’ esingcolisa umoya esizobeka engcupheni izizukulwane ezizayo ngoba kuthiwa lokhu kudingekile ukuze ‘kube nentuthuko’. INingizmu Afrika yayingalindelwe kwasekuqaleni esigabeni sokuqala seKyoto Protocol (kusukela ku1997 kuya ku2012) ukuthi yehlise izinga lokukhiqiza izisisi ezingcolisa umoya. Kodwa uma sekuziwa esigabeni sesibili, okuzoxoxwa ngaso eThekwini, abagqugquzeli baseNingizimu Afrika bahlanganyela neqembu eliyishaya phambili liyishaye emuva lamazwe eminotho esafufusa afuna ukungazinikela kakhulu kwisinqumo esathathwa eKyoto njengoba kwenza amazwe aseNingizimu nawaseNyakatho ukuthi abe nomthelela wokwehliswa kokukhiqizwa kwesisisi esingcolisa umoya, noma futhi mhlawumbe kuchithwe izinqumo ezibambezelayo ezenziwa eKyoto ngemigomo ekufanele kufikwe kuyona noma kuqalwe izindlela ezintsha ezigcwele inkohlakalo kanye nokudayiswa kwesisisi esingcolisa umoya naso esinokukhohlakala. Ingqungquthela yaseNairobi ngo2006 yenza ushintsho kezizingxoxo zesimo sezulu, ngoba ungqongqoshe wasePitoli wezemvelo kanye nezokuvakasha ngalesosikhathi kwakunguMarthinus van Schalkwyk, owayekade engumholi weNew National Party. (Namhlanje usengungqongqoshe wezokuvakasha-nje kuphela.) Isikhwama sokukwenza kabusha (Adaptation Fund) saqalwa eNairobi, kodwa ukukhula kwaso kwakuncike ezimalini eziqhamuka Kwindlela eHlanzekile Yokuthuthukisa (Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)) indlela yokudayiswa kwesisisi esingcolisa umoya. Emasontweni ambalwa edlule, iNhlangano yaseEurope ( European Union) yabika ngokuvalwa kwenzuzo yeCDM, kanye nokungcolisa kwesimo sezulu imikhiqizo yezibandisi (fridges) eyenziwa eChina ngoba okuyiyona ekhokha kakhulu ngoba ilona zwe elenza kakhulu imikhiqizo eyenza izisisi(greenhouse gases) ezingcolisa umoya okuba nomthelela wokushintsho kwesimo sezulu. Imakethe yaseCDM njengamanje ingaphansi kuka$8 wamabhiliyoni ngonyaka njengamanje, futhi Iafrika isathole cishe amaphesenti amabili alemali, ikakhulukazi ukuze kwenziwe izakhiwo zaseNingizimu Afrika ezifana nalesi esinimsindo njengesase Bisasar Road lapho kuchithwa khona izibi eThekwini endaweni yaseClare Estate. Izishoshovu zomphakathi walendawo ezaziholwa nguSajida Khan ongasekho emhlabeni zazifuna ukuthi iBisasar ibe isivaliwe kodwa ngo2002 iBhange Lomhlaba (World Bank) yathembisa ikhulu lamamiliyoni lamarandi ukuxhasa ngokuthi isisisi imethane gas eqhamuka kwizibi ezibolile yenziwe amandla kagesi, lokho okwakhombisa ukubukela phansi isimo esingesihle sezempilo esiwumpumela walesisisi kanye nokubandlululwa ngezemvelo kwabantu bakulendawo (iClare Estate iyindawo ehlala abantu abamnyama futhi ngalesosizathu yenziwa ukuthi kwenziwe kuyona umgodi omkhulu okufakwa kuwo izibi eAfrika). Nalapho kusaqhubeka ukuthi abezombusazwe baseThekwini bahlomule ngaphambi kwabantu. Ngenxa yokuthi izikhulu zeCDM ziyaqhubeka nokuvumela ukwenziwa kwamandla nemikhiqizo yemvelo (biofuels) kanye nezihlahla ezenziwe ngokungenelela kwezesayensi (genetically engineered timber), ochwepheshe abaqhamuka emiphakathini baseGlobal Forest Coalition,
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explanations – ignorance and cowardice – were, eight years earlier,<br />
Zuma’s plausible defenses <strong>for</strong> promoting AIDS denialism. He helped<br />
President Thabo Mbeki during the period in which 330,000 South Africans<br />
died due to Pretoria’s refusal to supply anti-retroviral medicines, as a<br />
Harvard Public Health School study showed.<br />
To his credit, Zuma reversed course by 2003 (rather late in the day) and<br />
endorsed public supply <strong>of</strong> AIDS medicines, as public pressure arose from<br />
the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and its international allies. TAC<br />
continued to condemn Zuma, in part because <strong>of</strong> misogyny during his 2006<br />
rape trial.<br />
It is that sort <strong>of</strong> intensive pressure that local activists in Climate<br />
Justice Now! SA are aiming to repeat, at the risk <strong>of</strong> otherwise allowing<br />
Zuma to remain a signatory to a far greater genocide.<br />
The COP 17 in Durban’s International Convention <strong>Centre</strong>, from November<br />
28-December 9, is a chance <strong>for</strong> civil society to hold Pretoria to<br />
account. The last such opportunity was in 2001 when the World Conference<br />
Against Racism attracted more than 10,000 protesters angry that Mbeki<br />
had agreed with Washington, to remove from the UN’s agenda their<br />
demands <strong>for</strong> apartheid reparations and <strong>for</strong> a halt to Israeli apartheid<br />
against Palestine.<br />
This year, as in previous COPs, civil society will demand that political<br />
elites cut emissions 50 percent by 2020 (as science requires),<br />
decommission the dysfunctional carbon markets, pay the North-South (and<br />
SA-African) ‘climate debt’ and trans<strong>for</strong>m to a post-carbon economy.<br />
The negotiators from Pretoria, along with those from Washington,<br />
Brussels and Beijing, will not stand up to the challenge, as they’ve<br />
proven again and again. As in earlier conflicts, then, the spirit <strong>of</strong><br />
anti-apartheid resistance and lessons <strong>of</strong> AIDS medicines access are<br />
amongst the weaponry civil society will need, in order to save the<br />
species’ and the planet itself. The strategies and tactics they will<br />
deploy are already being hotly debated.<br />
ININGIZIMU AFRIKA ilungiselela “Ingqungquthela yabangcolisi bomoya<br />
olawula isimo sezulu”<br />
NguPatrick Bond<br />
Yahunyushwa nguFaith ka-Manzi<br />
Ezingqungqutheleni ezimbili ezedlule zeNhlangano yaMazwe Ezizwe<br />
(United Nations) iKtoyo Protocol mayelana nesimo sezulu, eCopenhagen<br />
ngo2009 kanye neCancun ngo2010, kanye nemimnye imihlangano esike<br />
yabanjwa ngaphambili njengaseNairobi, ngabe abaholi baseNingizimu<br />
Afrika kanye nabakhulumela lelizwe badlala yiphi indima bona?<br />
Okudabukisa kakhulu, bajwayele ukwenzela phansi izakhamuzi kanye<br />
nabavoti balelizwe, ozakwabo baseAfrika kanye nesimo sezemvelo<br />
somhlaba wonke.<br />
Okwenza kakhulu amahloni, uma siyangaya phambili kwingqungquthela<br />
ezoba seThekwini ngomhlaka 17 kuNovemba kulonyaka iGreen Paper<br />
ngesimo sezulu lapho kuzoba nenkulumo mpikiswano nomphakathi<br />
kulenyaka kugqugquzela izimo ezimbili eziyingozi – amandla enuclear<br />
kanye nokudayiswa kwesisisi esingcolisa umkhathi – lokhu kuzoholela<br />
ekutheni kuphume ngokwethusayo ukukhiqizeka kwesisisi esingcolisa isisisi