April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
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evolutionary process in China. The real point <strong>of</strong> Tunisia, as in China, is<br />
that in every revolutionary situation it is the real action <strong>of</strong> human beings<br />
taking to the streets, defying the police and fighting with courage and<br />
imagination that changes society. Revolutionaries should grasp the epochmaking<br />
process that is now underway in the world. How this epoch-making<br />
process will mature across Africa, Europe and Asia will depend on the<br />
politics and organisations that shape the movement in the coming weeks<br />
and months. Revolutionaries must learn the positive lessons: the new<br />
pattern <strong>of</strong> 21st century revolution, the new <strong>for</strong>ces <strong>of</strong> revolution and the<br />
new tools <strong>of</strong> revolutionary struggles that are being fashioned by those who<br />
are making sacrifices <strong>for</strong> a new mode <strong>of</strong> social existence.<br />
SELF-IMMOLATION, SACRIFICES AND SELF-ORGANISATION<br />
Within a month, the narrative in the international media on Tunisia has<br />
changed completely. Prior to the present uprising against the capitalist<br />
classes and the dictator, Tunisia was represented in the Western media as<br />
a stable free-market economy that was a symbol <strong>of</strong> the success <strong>of</strong><br />
capitalism, a top ally <strong>of</strong> the USA in the war against terrorism. Tunisia was<br />
the choice destination <strong>for</strong> European tourists as the same European states<br />
shut their doors to migrants from Africa. Behind the image <strong>of</strong> Tunisia as a<br />
stable tourist resort where Europeans could relax was the reality <strong>of</strong><br />
repression, corruption, censorship and massive exploitation <strong>of</strong> the people.<br />
The concentration and centralisation <strong>of</strong> wealth and power in the hands <strong>of</strong><br />
the ruling family alienated even members <strong>of</strong> the capitalist classes, who<br />
were locked out <strong>of</strong> the inner circles <strong>of</strong> opulence and obscene wealth. In<br />
the midst <strong>of</strong> struggle, there was unemployment and suffering. Mohammed<br />
Bouazizi, a youth who had sought to dignify his existence by becoming a<br />
fruit and vegetable seller, decided to make a sacrifice to make a stand<br />
against oppression and made a break with the politics <strong>of</strong> obedience.<br />
Mohammed Bouazizi, like millions <strong>of</strong> youths across the world, wanted a<br />
new world. He had studiously gone through school only to find that the<br />
economy did not have a place <strong>for</strong> him. He created his own space by<br />
becoming a fruit and vegetable vendor in the town. But even in this<br />
capacity, the society had no room <strong>for</strong> the creativity <strong>of</strong> the youth so the<br />
police harassed him continuously and on 17 December 2010 confiscated his<br />
vegetable cart. Bouazizi was the principal breadwinner <strong>of</strong> his family and<br />
decided to make a stand against oppression. After unsuccessfully<br />
complaining to the local authorities, he burnt himself as an act <strong>of</strong> protest.<br />
He did not die immediately and his sacrifice acted as an inspiration <strong>for</strong><br />
others to resist oppression and to popularise his action.<br />
The other youths in Sidi Bouzid took up his cause and carried messages <strong>of</strong><br />
his self-immolation across Tunisia and beyond. As the youth mobilised and<br />
took to the streets with ‘a rock in one hand, a cell phone in the other,’<br />
their message cracked the walls <strong>of</strong> censorship to the point where the<br />
dictator himself sought to mollify this rebellion by going to the hospital to<br />
try to contain the anger <strong>of</strong> the youth and blunt the rising protest. In an<br />
ef<strong>for</strong>t to gain support <strong>of</strong> the youth, the government decided to declare<br />
<strong>2011</strong> the year <strong>of</strong> the youth. But the youths were not waiting <strong>for</strong> a dictator<br />
to declare the year <strong>for</strong> them; they were bent on taking the year and<br />
making the break <strong>for</strong> a new decade.<br />
Mohammed Bouazizi joined his ancestors on 4 January, expiring from the<br />
self-immolation, but his act <strong>of</strong> sacrifice had acted as a spark to impress on<br />
the youths the importance <strong>of</strong> intentionality to make a break with the old<br />
<strong>for</strong>ms <strong>of</strong> oppression. The rebellion that had been sparked by the action <strong>of</strong><br />
Bouazizi took over the region <strong>of</strong> Sidi Bouzid and moved from spontaneous<br />
actions <strong>of</strong> solidarity to an organised resistance that brought in new <strong>for</strong>ces<br />
who recognised the determination <strong>of</strong> the youths. From the spontaneous