April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
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enewable energy technology and retr<strong>of</strong>itting <strong>of</strong> buildings to lower<br />
emissions.<br />
Those are the genuine solutions whose name cannot be spoken in South<br />
Africa’s climate policy, given the adverse balance <strong>of</strong> <strong>for</strong>ces here, and<br />
everywhere. Changing that power balance is the task ahead <strong>for</strong> climate<br />
justice activism.<br />
(Based at the <strong>Centre</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Civil</strong> <strong>Society</strong> in Durban, Patrick Bond is completing<br />
a book, Politics <strong>of</strong> Climate Justice.)<br />
South Africa prepares <strong>for</strong> ‘Conference <strong>of</strong> Polluters’<br />
Patrick Bond<br />
At the past two United Nations Kyoto Protocol’s ‘Conference <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Parties’ (COPs) climate summits, Copenhagen in 2009 and Cancún in 2010,<br />
as well as at prior meetings such as Nairobi, how did South African leaders<br />
and negotiators per<strong>for</strong>m?<br />
Sadly, they regularly let down their constituents, their African colleagues<br />
as well as the global environment.<br />
Most embarrassingly, going <strong>for</strong>ward to the Durban COP 17 in November,<br />
the new Green Paper on climate under public debate this month promotes<br />
two dangerous strategies – nuclear energy and carbon trading – and<br />
concedes dramatic increases in CO2 emissions.<br />
South Africa is building two massive coal-fired plants at Kusile and Medupi<br />
(the world’s third and fourth largest), opening an anticipated <strong>for</strong>ty new<br />
coal mines in spite <strong>of</strong> scandalous local air and water pollution, and<br />
claiming that more ‘carbon space’ to pollute the air and thus threaten<br />
future generations is required <strong>for</strong> ‘development’.<br />
SA was not required to cut emissions in the first (1997-2012) stage <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Kyoto Protocol. But when it comes to a potential second stage, which<br />
ideally would be negotiated in Durban, South Africa’s negotiators are<br />
joining a contradictory movement <strong>of</strong> emerging economic powers which<br />
both want to retain Kyoto’s North-South differentiation <strong>of</strong> responsibility to<br />
cut emissions, and to either gut Kyoto’s binding targets or establish<br />
complicated, fraud-ridden <strong>of</strong>fsets and carbon trades which would have the<br />
same effect.<br />
The 2006 Nairobi COP helped set the tone, because Pretoria’s minister <strong>of</strong><br />
environment and tourism at the time was Marthinus van Schalkwyk,<br />
<strong>for</strong>merly head <strong>of</strong> the New National Party. (He is today merely tourism<br />
minister.)<br />
A new Adaptation Fund was established in Nairobi, but its resources were<br />
reliant upon revenues from the controversial Clean Development<br />
Mechanism (CDM) carbon trading mechanism. Last week the European<br />
Union announced a ban on the main source <strong>of</strong> CDM credits, Chinese<br />
refrigeration gas emissions that are responsible <strong>for</strong> nearly two thirds <strong>of</strong><br />
recent payments, because they incentivized production <strong>of</strong> more<br />
greenhouse gases.<br />
The CDM market is worth less than $8 billion/year at present, and Africa<br />
has received only around 2 percent, mostly <strong>for</strong> South African projects like<br />
the controversial Bisasar Road dump in Durban’s Clare Estate