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April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal

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Not to mention the privatizations and anti-labor “re<strong>for</strong>ms” that these<br />

countries are subjected to in order to meet the IMF and EU authorities’<br />

demands.<br />

To be fair to Strauss-Kahn as well as some <strong>of</strong> the economists in the<br />

research department <strong>of</strong> the IMF who would like to pursue more<br />

enlightened policies, they do not run the institution. Final say rests with<br />

an Executive Board, which is run primarily by the U.S. Treasury<br />

Department and the European authorities (the latter have final say in<br />

Europe, including Eastern Europe).<br />

And on top <strong>of</strong> the U.S. Treasury Department sits Goldman Sachs.<br />

The IMF’s just released “World Economic Outlook” (WEO) calls <strong>for</strong> more<br />

“implementing fiscal consolidation and entitlement re<strong>for</strong>ms” in the highincome<br />

countries, saying that “the need is particularly urgent in the<br />

United States” where “broader measures such as Social Security and tax<br />

re<strong>for</strong>ms” will be essential. The Fund is right about “tax re<strong>for</strong>ms,” since the<br />

Bush tax cuts <strong>for</strong> high-income taxpayers, continued under the Obama<br />

administration, are a significant contributor to the long-term deficit<br />

problem. But the Social Security system contributes nothing to either the<br />

immediate or long-term deficit problem. It can pay all promised benefits<br />

<strong>for</strong> the next 26 years, and would require only minor adjustments to<br />

maintain solvency indefinitely. By contrast, it is our broken private health<br />

care system that is responsible <strong>for</strong> nearly all <strong>of</strong> the long-term deficit<br />

projections.<br />

The Fund projects about 2.5 percent annual GDP growth <strong>for</strong> the highincome<br />

countries over the next two years, and 6.5 percent <strong>for</strong> “emerging<br />

and developing economies.” By calling <strong>for</strong> fiscal consolidation in the rich<br />

countries, the IMF’s WEO seems to accept that they are doomed to slow<br />

growth and high unemployment <strong>for</strong> the <strong>for</strong>eseeable future; they want the<br />

faster-growing developing countries to appreciate their currencies and give<br />

the high-income countries a boost by importing more. At the same time<br />

they are worried that the developing countries are “overheating,” and that<br />

many need a “tightening <strong>of</strong> macroeconomic policies.”<br />

But the real changes – the ones that have contributed to the rebound in<br />

the economic growth that has taken place in low- and middle-income<br />

countries over the last decade --have been the loss <strong>of</strong> much <strong>of</strong> the Fund’s<br />

influence on policy that it had ten or 20 years ago. This is especially true<br />

<strong>for</strong> middle-income countries – in Asia, most <strong>of</strong> Latin America, Russia, and<br />

others, although many low-income countries are still dependent on the<br />

Fund and its allied lenders. The IMF’s lending fell precipitously from 2003<br />

to 2007, and although it has recently come back to 2003 levels, the Fund<br />

does not have nearly as much influence in middle-income countries as it<br />

once did. So hopefully fewer countries each year will have to listen to the<br />

IMF’s advice – unless they want to focus on Strauss-Kahn’s l<strong>of</strong>ty Keynesian<br />

rhetoric.<br />

Oil politics: Charge them with manslaughter<br />

Nnimmo Bassey First Published in Pambazuka 18 <strong>April</strong> <strong>2011</strong><br />

People who have suffered the impact <strong>of</strong> unjust practices and those who<br />

have been victims <strong>of</strong> abuse from corporate impunity will heave a sigh <strong>of</strong>

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