April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
their funding flows and even their primary share listings to overseas stock markets mainly in 2000-01. The outflow of profits and dividends due these firms is one of two crucial reasons SA’s current account deficit has soared to amongst the highest in the world and is hence a major danger in the event of currency instability. To pay for the outflow, Manuel’s and Pravin Gordhan’s Treasury increased SA’s foreign indebtedness from the $25 billion inherited at the end of apartheid to a dangerous $100 billion today. First National Bank warned that we’re nearing levels PW Botha encountered when he gave the Rubicon Speech in 1985, followed by a foreign debt default. The other cause of the current account deficit is the negative trade balance during most of the recent period, which can be blamed upon a vast inflow of imports after trade liberalisation, which export growth could not keep up with. A genuine industrial policy would forthrightly address all these macroeconomic constraints, and lift them via exchange controls and surgical protection of those industries that can reliably commit to affordably meeting basic needs, providing decent (and labor-intensive) employment opportunities, and linking backwards and forwards to local suppliers and buyers without reliance upon whimsical international economic relations. To this end, consider a critical insight that Davies and other IPAP authors missed: the era we have now entered is much closer to the stagnationist 1930s, in which austerity will prevail, than the go-go early 2000s. The winding down of vast debt overhangs and the long-term recessionary environment in the West, not to mention worsening East and South Asian competition, make SA’s international standing nearly as vulnerable today as two years ago, when The Economist rated us the most risky emerging market. There is, however, a precedent worth discussing: the 1930s era of selective ‘deglobalisation’, during which SA’s growth per capita was the highest in its modern history. At that time, ‘import-substitution industrialisation’ occurred here (as well as Latin America) along its most balanced trajectory, with much of our manufacturing industry established during the 1930s, as well as national assets such as Eskom and Iscor. The years of high growth were not reserved for whites, and indeed the rate of increase of black wages to white wages occurred at their fastest ever during this period. Insights into global markets provided by the recent crash and the challenge of a post-carbon economy should give rise to a rethink, but this will only happen when the macroeconomic-austerity advocates, financiers and MEC lose power to those interested in a more balanced society. http://links.org.au/node/2271 counterpunch.org/bond04182011.html IMF’s Rhetoric Still Far from Its Policies Mark Weisbrot 19 April 2011 As the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank gathered in Washington for their annual Spring Meetings, there was more talk about
how much the IMF has changed. IMF Managing Director Dominique Strauss- Kahn quoted John Maynard Keynes in his speech on Wednesday at the Brookings Institution: The outstanding faults of the economic society in which we live are its failure to provide for full employment and its arbitrary and inequitable distribution of wealth and incomes. In his Opening Address to the Fall Meetings last year he went further, making a point about the increase in public debt in the high-income countries that should be required reading for U.S. business journalists: But make no mistake: this increase of 35 percentage points [in the public debt of the high-income countries ] is mostly due to low growth, to expenditure linked to the rescue of the financial sector, to lack of revenue because of the economic downturn. Only about one-tenth comes directly from the stimulus. So the lesson is clear: the biggest threat to fiscal sustainability is low growth. Of course, there have been some significant changes in the IMF in recent years, mostly in the area of research, where the Fund has acknowledged that controls on capital inflows are a legitimate tool for governments to use. There has been some limited lending without conditions. And although the IMF included “pro-cyclical” conditions – i.e. macroeconomic policies that worsened the downturn – in most of its agreements during the world recession, on the optimistic side, it reversed course in many cases as the downturn deepened. But unfortunately the IMF’s practice still does not match its rhetoric or even, increasingly, its own research. In Greece, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Latvia and other countries, the Fund isstill involved in the implementation of “pro-cyclical” policies that will keep these countries from recovering for a long time. For Greece, Ireland, and Latvia, for example, it will be 9-10 years before they reach their pre-crisis levels of GDP. There is absolutely no excuse for this, from an economic point of view. Any policies that require this kind of extended period of unemployment and stagnation are by definition wrong. If this is what they need to ensure debt repayment, then the country is better off defaulting on its debt. Argentina was faced with an unsustainable debt burden and defaulted at the end of 2001. The economy shrank for just one quarter and then grew 63 percent over the next six years, recovering its pre-crisis level of GDP in less than three years. Rhetoric aside, the Fund’s policies still reflect the creditors’ point of view. And from the creditors’ point of view, a country like Greece – which even the financial markets recognize will have to restructure its debt at some point – must first go through hell. The European authorities and IMF together have so much money now ($750 billion for the IMF, $635 billion for the European Financial Stability Facility, $87 billion for the European Financial Stabilization Fund) that it would be quite simple to rescue the relatively small economies of Greece, Ireland, Portugal, or Latvia – or even the much larger Spanish economy -- in a painless manner. In other words, to restore growth and employment first, and worry about the debt after the economy is on track. But from a creditors’ point of view, this would be rewarding “bad behavior.” So the people of these countries must suffer through years of high unemployment (20 percent in Spain, 15 percent in Ireland, 11 percent in Portugal, 14 percent in Greece, 17 percent in Latvia).
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how much the IMF has changed. IMF Managing Director Dominique Strauss-<br />
Kahn quoted John Maynard Keynes in his speech on Wednesday at the<br />
Brookings Institution:<br />
The outstanding faults <strong>of</strong> the economic society in which we live are its<br />
failure to provide <strong>for</strong> full employment and its arbitrary and inequitable<br />
distribution <strong>of</strong> wealth and incomes.<br />
In his Opening Address to the Fall Meetings last year he went further,<br />
making a point about the increase in public debt in the high-income<br />
countries that should be required reading <strong>for</strong> U.S. business journalists:<br />
But make no mistake: this increase <strong>of</strong> 35 percentage points [in the public<br />
debt <strong>of</strong> the high-income countries ] is mostly due to low growth, to<br />
expenditure linked to the rescue <strong>of</strong> the financial sector, to lack <strong>of</strong> revenue<br />
because <strong>of</strong> the economic downturn. Only about one-tenth comes directly<br />
from the stimulus. So the lesson is clear: the biggest threat to fiscal<br />
sustainability is low growth.<br />
Of course, there have been some significant changes in the IMF in recent<br />
years, mostly in the area <strong>of</strong> research, where the Fund has acknowledged<br />
that controls on capital inflows are a legitimate tool <strong>for</strong> governments to<br />
use. There has been some limited lending without conditions. And although<br />
the IMF included “pro-cyclical” conditions – i.e. macroeconomic policies<br />
that worsened the downturn – in most <strong>of</strong> its agreements during the world<br />
recession, on the optimistic side, it reversed course in many cases as the<br />
downturn deepened.<br />
But un<strong>for</strong>tunately the IMF’s practice still does not match its rhetoric or<br />
even, increasingly, its own research. In Greece, Ireland, Spain, Portugal,<br />
Latvia and other countries, the Fund isstill involved in the implementation<br />
<strong>of</strong> “pro-cyclical” policies that will keep these countries from recovering <strong>for</strong><br />
a long time. For Greece, Ireland, and Latvia, <strong>for</strong> example, it will be 9-10<br />
years be<strong>for</strong>e they reach their pre-crisis levels <strong>of</strong> GDP.<br />
There is absolutely no excuse <strong>for</strong> this, from an economic point <strong>of</strong> view.<br />
Any policies that require this kind <strong>of</strong> extended period <strong>of</strong> unemployment<br />
and stagnation are by definition wrong. If this is what they need to ensure<br />
debt repayment, then the country is better <strong>of</strong>f defaulting on its debt.<br />
Argentina was faced with an unsustainable debt burden and defaulted at<br />
the end <strong>of</strong> 2001. The economy shrank <strong>for</strong> just one quarter and then grew<br />
63 percent over the next six years, recovering its pre-crisis level <strong>of</strong> GDP in<br />
less than three years.<br />
Rhetoric aside, the Fund’s policies still reflect the creditors’ point <strong>of</strong> view.<br />
And from the creditors’ point <strong>of</strong> view, a country like Greece – which even<br />
the financial markets recognize will have to restructure its debt at some<br />
point – must first go through hell. The European authorities and IMF<br />
together have so much money now ($750 billion <strong>for</strong> the IMF, $635 billion<br />
<strong>for</strong> the European Financial Stability Facility, $87 billion <strong>for</strong> the European<br />
Financial Stabilization Fund) that it would be quite simple to rescue the<br />
relatively small economies <strong>of</strong> Greece, Ireland, Portugal, or Latvia – or even<br />
the much larger Spanish economy -- in a painless manner. In other words,<br />
to restore growth and employment first, and worry about the debt after<br />
the economy is on track.<br />
But from a creditors’ point <strong>of</strong> view, this would be rewarding “bad<br />
behavior.” So the people <strong>of</strong> these countries must suffer through years <strong>of</strong><br />
high unemployment (20 percent in Spain, 15 percent in Ireland, 11 percent<br />
in Portugal, 14 percent in Greece, 17 percent in Latvia).