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April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal

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irthday <strong>of</strong> the current god, a halo appeared over his birthplace. That will<br />

probably happen tomorrow over Reagan’s birthplace. But when we go in—I<br />

mean, this is connected with what we were talking about be<strong>for</strong>e. If you<br />

want to control a population, keep them passive, keep beating them over<br />

the head and let them look somewhere else, one way to do it is to give<br />

them a god to worship.<br />

AMY GOODMAN: Noam, you’ve written about, over the years, COINTELPRO,<br />

FBI raids. We’re seeing that today. There’s almost no attention given to<br />

what we have focused on a good deal on Democracy Now!, from Minneapolis<br />

to Chicago, the FBI raids, activists being subpoenaed to speak about in<br />

various cases.<br />

NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, that’s a pretty—it’s not just—the raids are serious<br />

enough, but what’s more significant is what lies behind them. These are the<br />

first actions taken under new rulings by the Supreme Court. A very<br />

important case was six or eight months ago, I guess, Holder v. Humanitarian<br />

Law Project. It was initiated by the Obama administration. It was argued by<br />

Elena Kagan, Obama’s new court appointment. And they won, with the<br />

support <strong>of</strong> the far-right justices. The case is extremely significant. It’s the<br />

worst attack on freedom <strong>of</strong> speech since the Smith Act 70 years ago. The<br />

case determined that any material support to organizations that the<br />

government lists on the terrorist list is criminalized, but they interpreted<br />

"material support"—in fact, the issue at stake was speech. Humanitarian<br />

Law Project was giving advice—speech—to a group on that’s on the terrorist<br />

list, Turkish PKK. And they were also advising them on legal advice and also<br />

advising them to move towards nonviolence. That means if you and I, let’s<br />

say, talk to Hamas leaders and say, "Look, you ought to move towards<br />

nonviolent resistance," we’re giving material support to a group on the<br />

terrorist list.<br />

Incidentally, the terrorist list is totally illegitimate. That shouldn’t exist in a<br />

free society. Terrorist list is an arbitrary list established by the executive<br />

with no basis whatsoever, by whim, <strong>for</strong> example, but no supervision. And if<br />

you take a look at the record <strong>of</strong> the terrorist list, it’s almost comical. So,<br />

take Reagan again. In 1982, the Reagan administration decided it wanted to<br />

aid their friend Saddam Hussein. He had been—Iraq had been on the<br />

terrorist list. They took it <strong>of</strong>f the terrorist list. They had a gap. They had to<br />

put someone in.<br />

AMY GOODMAN: South Africa, ANC.<br />

NOAM CHOMSKY: Put in Cuba. They put in Cuba, and I suppose in honor <strong>of</strong><br />

the fact that, in preceding several years Cuba had been the target <strong>of</strong> more<br />

international terrorism than the rest <strong>of</strong> the world combined. So, Saddam<br />

Hussein goes <strong>of</strong>f, Cuba goes on, no review, no comment. And now, with the<br />

new Obama principle, giving—advising groups that are arbitrarily put on this<br />

group is criminal. And that was the background <strong>for</strong> those raids.<br />

AMY GOODMAN: Noam Chomsky, we’re going to continue this conversation<br />

online and play it on the show again. Noam Chomsky, pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong><br />

linguistics, Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology.<br />

www.democracynow.org<br />

After Mubarak: What's next <strong>for</strong> Egypt?<br />

Khadija Sharife First Published in 17 February <strong>2011</strong>

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