April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal April 2011 - Centre for Civil Society - University of KwaZulu-Natal
through increased capital expenditure, enhanced support for small, micro and medium enterprises (SMMEs) and facilitation of skills training and institutional capacitation. For the first several years of ANC rule, the first "way" was dominant. A rash of "empowerment" deals between emergent/wannabe black capitalists (most often all with close political connections to the ruling ANC) and white corporate/finance capital took place. Best known amongst these was NAIL (Metlife, African Merchant Bank, Theta) and the NEC (Anglo’s Johnnic). Black millionaires Literally overnight, South Africa had "created" new black millionaires who publicly paraded their new found riches and loudly claimed that this was the start of a new dawn in which all black South Africans could share (for example, Cyril Ramaphosa and his "people’s" Ikageng Shares). ANC politicians lauded South Africa’s equivalent of the "American dream" and loudly endorsed the morality of blacks getting "filthy rich". However, when the Johannesburg Stock Exchange imploded in 1997-98, the dominant strawman edifice of this BEE strategy came crashing down as well. What made the exposure so politically damaging were two powerful (yet radically distinct) charges against the ANC government that had been its chief champion. From the side of the wounded black bourgeoisie came the charge that their government had not nurtured and protected them (raising parallels with the ways in which the apartheid state had done for white/Afrikaner capital) from hostile economic conditions both domestically and internationally. This was coupled with the charge that the ANC state’s neoliberal macroeconomic policy framework was inherently antagonistic to the sustenance of an emergent black capitalist class since its core policies were effectively facilitating the interests of domestic (white) and international corporate capital rather than "its own". From the side of the majority of black workers and poor -- as well as from sections of the ANC’s alliance partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) -- came the charge that the ANC government’s neoliberal policies, with BEE at the centre, were responsible for massive job losses, increasing impoverishment and inequality, a lack of basic services and most damaging of all, a betrayal of the redistributive principles and vision of socioeconomic equality of the liberation struggle. Here, it was the creation and privileging of a small and politically connected black elite at the expense of the vast majority of poor black people that represented ample confirmation. Both private capital and the ANC scrambled to "repair the damage", or at least be seen to be doing so. The second "way" approach took over. By the early 2000s, a range of new empowerment deals, equity programs, social awareness plans and longer-term "empowerment" scenario planning had been put in place/publicly unveiled by white corporate capital which was clearly trying to preempt what they feared might well be a class and racial backlash. For its part, the ANC state embarked on a strategic approach that sought to "mainstream" BEE as part of an expanding "developmental" state dedicated to the social and economic upliftment of the black majority. While it was stated, once again, that this would be achieved through creating a "national consensus" that recognised, but cut across racial and class lines, the reality was that such a strategy was nothing more than the logical extension of the historic corporatist logic of the ANC leadership; in
other words, cutting up the capitalist pie more evenly without "revolutionary" disruptions to South Africa’s political economy. As usual though, there was no acknowledgment that the real issue is who is cutting up the pie and which "pieces" are being eaten by whom. Then-president Mbeki’s two-nation thesis provided the necessary analytical/explanatory rationale (utilising the implicit threat of social disorder) and the "turn" to a stated commitment to adopt a kinder/more human faced capitalism (social democracy) in the face of continued poverty and global inequality provided the necessary political rationale. Soon there emerged a range of new initiatives (such as the BEE Commission) and legislation that would "guide" BEE through a more systematic program of targeted "empowerment" deals and integration into the state’s capital expenditure outlays to ostensibly benefit the poor. Despite these manoeuvrings and more recent politically motivated forms of BEE initiatives, most black South Africans remain deeply sceptical and generally hostile to the way in which BEE has been, and continues to be, pursued. As a result, the ANC implicitly understands that it will not suffice simply to rearrange the BEE deckchairs but that it is, more than ever, necessary to make a reconnection with the real basis of the ANC’s continued legitimacy (i.e., the liberation struggle) in order for BEE not to be rejected by the majority of its own professed constituency. So, in order for what, in reality, continues to be a specific program of class accumulation and privilege to be "seen" and accepted as part and parcel of the historic mandate of the ANC (i.e., the economic emancipation of the workers and poor) there is the continued need to provide ideological "cover". As in the past, the "national democratic revolution" (NDR) is the associated talisman. Besides its more widespread "deployment" as the generic underpinning of South Africa’s "transitional" political economy – for example, in the service of the SACP and COSATU’s continued alliance with the ANC – what we now have is a concerted attempt by the ANC to resurrect the practical applicability of NDR theory as the macro framework for pursuing BEE and rationalising all its other associated and contradictory "developmental" policies and activities. In this respect, its crucial function is to provide justification for the existence and expansion of a (‘patriotic’) black bourgeoisie – which practically represents the leading "motive force" – alongside continued and close cooperation with white capital. The result is that contemporary BEE in South Africa has become, more than ever, the prime practical vehicle for elite accumulation, rent seeking and corruption as well as the conceptual cover for extreme inequality. http://links.org.au/node/2198 [Dale McKinley is an independent writer, researcher, lecturer and political activist based in Johannesburg. This two-part article first appeared at the South African Civil Society Information Service. It is posted at Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal with the author's permission.] The key role of women in the Egyptian revolution Marie Frederiksen 8 March 2011 “I really believe the revolution has changed us. People are acting
- Page 75 and 76: nationalisation has the potential t
- Page 77 and 78: 7. http://www.sacsis.org.za/site/ar
- Page 79 and 80: Exporting crops for overseas consum
- Page 81 and 82: The World Trade Organisation (WTO)
- Page 83 and 84: Special Issue (July), p. 36. [3] Br
- Page 85 and 86: stations, agronomists, extensionist
- Page 87 and 88: discount. The pilot AMC of $1.5 bil
- Page 89 and 90: egan to explode and melt down. The
- Page 91 and 92: climatic impacts of nuclear warfare
- Page 93 and 94: them into electricity? Why not use
- Page 95 and 96: expansion in the Gulf of Guinea des
- Page 97 and 98: uling classes and imperialist power
- Page 99 and 100: The death of Nigerian progressive p
- Page 101 and 102: egion and the oil-bearing Niger reg
- Page 103 and 104: another essay when the election res
- Page 105 and 106: March 22, when Obama arrives for a
- Page 107 and 108: population blindly following one po
- Page 109 and 110: faced an economic crisis upon takin
- Page 111 and 112: Shanghai Jiaotong University but wh
- Page 113 and 114: okuvezwe ngenyanga edlule kwiWikiLe
- Page 115 and 116: Iyona-ke indlela uSaif ebexhaphaza
- Page 117 and 118: on for their livelihoods through oi
- Page 119 and 120: suffering from a lack of raw materi
- Page 121 and 122: the only big trade union organisati
- Page 123 and 124: tearing aside the façade of rapaci
- Page 125: BEE was wrapped up in a hopelessly
- Page 129 and 130: part of the class struggle and that
- Page 131 and 132: In similar vein, U.S. trade represe
- Page 133 and 134: ethnic/racial identities, and gener
- Page 135 and 136: convinced that Greece’s debts are
- Page 137 and 138: parents rather than their own. This
- Page 139 and 140: y the present revolutionary wave an
- Page 141 and 142: Gaddafi himself has admitted that
- Page 143 and 144: Massan d’Almeida First Published
- Page 145 and 146: Most of the violence reported to da
- Page 147 and 148: Peace & Justice Movement Should Opp
- Page 149 and 150: ELIZABETH TAN: I think for the—ce
- Page 151 and 152: divert attention from the struggles
- Page 153 and 154: Bush failed to find any country in
- Page 155 and 156: who are ready to listen to us’. P
- Page 157 and 158: created to really come out of the c
- Page 159 and 160: Iraq Looking eastward from Libya to
- Page 161 and 162: the Wisconsin capital, Madison, 70,
- Page 163 and 164: and Benghazi reached Al Jazeera the
- Page 165 and 166: Ben Ali and Mubarak were little mor
- Page 167 and 168: evealed a correlation between chole
- Page 169 and 170: avert the strike. It shows that Isr
- Page 171 and 172: Thirdly, even if Egypt and Tunisia
- Page 173 and 174: Satya Sagar is a writer, journalist
- Page 175 and 176: programme, has joined the forces of
other words, cutting up the capitalist pie more evenly without<br />
"revolutionary" disruptions to South Africa’s political economy. As usual<br />
though, there was no acknowledgment that the real issue is who is cutting<br />
up the pie and which "pieces" are being eaten by whom.<br />
Then-president Mbeki’s two-nation thesis provided the necessary<br />
analytical/explanatory rationale (utilising the implicit threat <strong>of</strong> social<br />
disorder) and the "turn" to a stated commitment to adopt a kinder/more<br />
human faced capitalism (social democracy) in the face <strong>of</strong> continued<br />
poverty and global inequality provided the necessary political rationale.<br />
Soon there emerged a range <strong>of</strong> new initiatives (such as the BEE<br />
Commission) and legislation that would "guide" BEE through a more<br />
systematic program <strong>of</strong> targeted "empowerment" deals and integration into<br />
the state’s capital expenditure outlays to ostensibly benefit the poor.<br />
Despite these manoeuvrings and more recent politically motivated <strong>for</strong>ms <strong>of</strong><br />
BEE initiatives, most black South Africans remain deeply sceptical and<br />
generally hostile to the way in which BEE has been, and continues to be,<br />
pursued.<br />
As a result, the ANC implicitly understands that it will not suffice simply to<br />
rearrange the BEE deckchairs but that it is, more than ever, necessary to<br />
make a reconnection with the real basis <strong>of</strong> the ANC’s continued legitimacy<br />
(i.e., the liberation struggle) in order <strong>for</strong> BEE not to be rejected by the<br />
majority <strong>of</strong> its own pr<strong>of</strong>essed constituency. So, in order <strong>for</strong> what, in<br />
reality, continues to be a specific program <strong>of</strong> class accumulation and<br />
privilege to be "seen" and accepted as part and parcel <strong>of</strong> the historic<br />
mandate <strong>of</strong> the ANC (i.e., the economic emancipation <strong>of</strong> the workers and<br />
poor) there is the continued need to provide ideological "cover". As in the<br />
past, the "national democratic revolution" (NDR) is the associated<br />
talisman.<br />
Besides its more widespread "deployment" as the generic underpinning <strong>of</strong><br />
South Africa’s "transitional" political economy – <strong>for</strong> example, in the service<br />
<strong>of</strong> the SACP and COSATU’s continued alliance with the ANC – what we now<br />
have is a concerted attempt by the ANC to resurrect the practical<br />
applicability <strong>of</strong> NDR theory as the macro framework <strong>for</strong> pursuing BEE and<br />
rationalising all its other associated and contradictory "developmental"<br />
policies and activities. In this respect, its crucial function is to provide<br />
justification <strong>for</strong> the existence and expansion <strong>of</strong> a (‘patriotic’) black<br />
bourgeoisie – which practically represents the leading "motive <strong>for</strong>ce" –<br />
alongside continued and close cooperation with white capital.<br />
The result is that contemporary BEE in South Africa has become, more than<br />
ever, the prime practical vehicle <strong>for</strong> elite accumulation, rent seeking and<br />
corruption as well as the conceptual cover <strong>for</strong> extreme inequality.<br />
http://links.org.au/node/2198<br />
[Dale McKinley is an independent writer, researcher, lecturer and political<br />
activist based in Johannesburg. This two-part article first appeared at the<br />
South African <strong>Civil</strong> <strong>Society</strong> In<strong>for</strong>mation Service. It is posted at Links<br />
International Journal <strong>of</strong> Socialist Renewal with the author's permission.]<br />
The key role <strong>of</strong> women in the Egyptian revolution<br />
Marie Frederiksen 8 March <strong>2011</strong><br />
“I really believe the revolution has changed us. People are acting